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Notes[1] The workshop was organized by The Chaim Herzog Center for Middle East Studies and Diplomacy. The Center is devoted to studies of the history, societies, and cultures of the Middle East. I thank Prof. Dr. Nimrod Hurvitz for his invitation to participate and Prof. Dr. Dror Ze’evi for his comments on my lecture.[2] A Heritage of Holy Wood. The Legend of the True Cross in Text and Image, (Cultures, Beliefs and Traditions. Medieval and Early Modern Peoples, 22), Leyden, 2004.[3] Most recent publications: W.E. KAEGI, Heraclius. Emperor of Byzantium, Cambridge, 2003; A. SOMMERLECHNER, Kaiser Herakleios und die Rückkehr des heiligen Kreuzes nach Jerusalem. Überlegungen zu Stoff-und Motivgeschichte, in Römische historische Mitteilungen, 45, Vienna, 2003, p. 319-360; G.J. REININK and B.H. STOLTE (eds.), The Reign of Heraclius (610-641). Crisis and Confrontation, Leuven, 2002.- Further: A. PERNICE, L'imperatore Eraclio. Saggio di storia bizantina, Florence, 1905; A. FROLOW, La vraie croix et les expéditions d'Héraclius en Perse, in Revue des études byzantines, 11, 1953, p. 88-105; O. VOLK, art. Herakleios, in Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 5, Freiburg, 1960, col. 237-238; G. OSTROGORSKY, Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates, Munich, 1963, p. 73-122; H.M. GUATKIN (ed.), The Cambridge Medieval History, 2. The Rise of the Saracens and the Foundation of the Western Empire, s.l., 1964, p. 184-302, p. 747-758; J.J. SAUNDERS, A History of Medieval Islam, London, 1965; V. GRUMEL, La reposition de la vraie croix à Jérusalem par Héraclius. Le jour et l'année, in Zeitschrift für Byzantinistik, 1, 1966, p. 139-149; A.N. STRATOS, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, 1. 602-634, trans. from the Greek by M. OGILVIE-GRANT, Amsterdam, 1968; W. DURANT, Weltreiche des Glaubens, (Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit, 5), reissue of 1935, Munich, 1981; J. HERRIN, The Formation of Christendom, Princeton, 1987, p. 183-219; M. GIL, A History of Palestine. 643-1099, trans. from the Hebrew by E. BROIDO, Cambridge, 1992, p. 65-74.[4] A. PERTUSI (ed.), Giorgio di Pisidia poemi, I. Panegerici Epici, (Studia Patristica et Byzantina 7), 1960, p. 225-230, p. 235-239; I. BEKKERUS (ed.), Georgii Pisidae. Expeditio Persica, Bellum Avaricum, Heraclias, CSHB, 1836.[5] C. De BOOR, Theophanis Chronographia, 2, reissue of Leipzig, 1885, Hildesheim 1963, p. 179-213; C. MANGO (ed.), The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern History ad 284-813, Oxford, 1997, p. 441-455.[6] G.J. REININK, Die Entstehung der syrischen Alexanderlegende als politisch-religiöse Propagandaschrift für Herakleios Kirchenpolitik, in After Chaldecon. Studies in Theology and Church History. Offered to Professor Albert van Roey For His Seventieth Birthday, (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 18), Leuven, 1985, p. 263-281, 267.- Editie: E.A.W. BUDGE, The History of Alexander the Great. Being the Syriac Version. Edited from Five Manuscripts, of the Pseudo-Callisthenes, Amsterdam, 1976 (reissue of Cambridge 1889), p. 255-275, p. 144-148.- In the Syrian legend, Alexander promises that he will leave his silver throne to Jerusalem. The imperial throne is regarded as foreshadowing Christ’s throne; A. CAMERON, Images of Authority. Elites and Icons in Late Sixth-Century Byzantium, in Past and Present, 84, 1979, p. 3-35, p. 17. On the basis of the Alexander-Heraclius typology, a tradition developed around the so-called "throne of Heraclius," which was behind the main altar of San Marco in Venice but was moved to the baptistery of the church in 1524; W. DORIGO, La cosidetta "cattedra di San Marco" in Venezia Arti, 3, 1989, p. 5-13. According to tradition, Heraclius would have received the throne in Alexandria and subsequently offered it to Grado. Another tradition has it that Helena brought the throne from Alexandria, and it was offered to Elias of Grado later (572-568).[7] B.M. WHEELER, Imagining the Sasanian Capture of Jerusalem, in Orientalia christiana periodica, 57, 1, 1991, p. 69-85.[8] I. LEVI, L'apocalypse de Zorobabel et le roi de Perse Siroès, in Revue des Etudes Juives, 68, 1914, p. 129-160; G. GARITTE, La prise de Jérusalem par les Perses en 614, CSCO, 202-203, (Scriptores Iberici, 11-12), Leuven, 1960. For the Arab perception of Heraclius, see: M. COOK, The Heraclian Dynasty in Muslim Eschatology, in al-Qantara, 113, 1992, pp. 3-23. With thanks to Dr. Daniella Talmon-Heller, Ben Gurion University, Israel.[9] M. WHITBY, George of Pisida’s Presentation of the Emperor Heraclius and his Campaigns, in The Reign of Heraclius, op. cit., p. 157-173; J.W. DRIJVERS, Heraclius and the restitutio crucis. Notes on Symbolism and Ideology, in Ibidem, p. 175-190.[10] W. KAEGI, op. cit., 2003, p. 205.[11] W. DURANT, op. cit., p. 405-425; J.J. SAUNDERS, op. cit., p. 18-38.[12] G. OSTROGORSKY, op. cit., p. 92-93. On the last phase of Heraclius’s rule, see: H. MANANDEAN, Les invasions arabes en Arménie (Notes chronologiques), in Byzantion, 18, 1948, p. 163-195, p. 163; W.E. KAEGI jr., Heraklios and the Arabs, in The Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 27, 1, 1982, p. 109-133. An investigation of the Arabic sources and especially of the view on Heraclius expressed in them is beyond the scope of the present volume. Tabari’s tenth-century chronicle provides a suitable line of approach here; T. NÖLDEKE, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sassaniden aus der arabischen Chronik der Tabari übersetzt, Leiden, 1879, p. 365 ff. I may note here that "the history of the conquest of Syria" (the Ta'rikh Futuh al-Sham, seventh or twelfth [?] century), includes a speech by Heraclius, in which he warns the Syrians against the Arabs and claims their loyalty as a buffer state by referring to the recent victories over Chosroes II. In that connection Heraclius calls the Persians the "magicians" and the Avars, "those who know no God" (W.E. KAEGI jr., art. cit., p. 113). The Persians are not only associated with magic because of their nature religion and demonologies but also because of their cultural and political dependence on astrology; B.L. van de WAERDEN, art. Astronomie, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1, Munich, 1980, cols. 1146-1153, col. 147; J.R. RUSSELL, art. cit., p. 661.[13] J.W. DRIJVERS, art. cit., p. 190.[14] See: L. van TONGEREN, Exaltation of the Cross. Toward the Origins of the Feast of the Cross and the Meaning of the Cross in early Medieval Liturgy, Leuven, 2000.[15] HRABANUS MAURUS, Homilia LXX, PL 110, col. 131-134. This is the same text as the Exaltatio seu reversio sanctae crucis in the Bibliotheca hagiographica latina. Antiquae et mediae aetatis, ed. Socii Bollandiani, Brussels, 1911, no. 4178. PL 110, col. 1142: "Et in Hierosolyma passio sancto Judae, sive Quiraci episcopi, cui revelatum est lignum Dominicae crucis" is a very short reference to the Finding of the Cross.[16] Kindly mentioned to me in a correspondence on 12 July 2004.[17] "Pergens igitur filius Chosroe contra Gracchum, iuxta Danubium magnum fluvium consedit exercitus. Tandem inspirante clementia Salvatoris, utrisque principibus placuit ut ipsi singuli in medio ponte fluminis dimicaturi confligerent, et cui sors victoriam contulisset" (PL 110, col. 132, D).- The localization on the Danube is a historical anomaly. In the seventh century, the Danube constituted the natural border with the Avar Empire and at the time of Hrabanus Maurus with the Hungarians and the Magyars. Although, of course, the Avars were also hostile to the Byzantine Empire, they had no direct connection with the conflict with the Persians. However, it is known, that Emperor Maurice conducted several "Danube campaigns" against the Avars (G. OSTROGORSKY, op. cit., p. 77). After his victory over the Persians, Heraclius expelled the Avars from Constantinople. It is also possible that Hrabanus projected the contemporary threat of the Hungarians onto the battle of Heraclius. See also: H. WOLFRAM and F. DAIM, Die Volken an der mittleren und unteren Donau im fünften und sechsten Jahrhundert, (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Denkschriften, 145), Vienna, 1980. As a natural border, the Danube plays an important and "universal" part in the European battles against heathenism. The Tigris and the Euphrates are perceived in a similar way in the East. Ctesiphon, the capital of the Sassanian Empire, was also connected to the "outer world" by a bridge over the Tigris. Is the Tigris the Danube of the Persians? In his version of the Exaltation of the Cross (1170), Johannes Belethus incorporates a correction: "... Danubium illum, qui apud Persas est, non hunc qui in Suevia oritur" (Rationale divinorum officiorum, PL 202, col. 152).[18] "Cumque imperator de monte Oliveti descendisset per eam portam quam Dominus intraverat quando ad passionem venerat..." (PL 110, col. 133, C).[19] "Repente lapides portae descendentes, clauserunt se invicem, et factus est paries unus... viderunt signum sanctae crucis in coelo, flammeo fulgore resplendere. Angelus enim Domini aspiciens illud in manibus, stetit super portam et ait: Quando rex coelarum Dominus totius mundi passionis sacramenta per hoc aditum completurus introiit, non se purpuratum, nec diademate nitentem exhibuit, aut equi potentis vehiculum requisivit, sed humilis aselli terga insidens" (PL 110, col. 133 D).[20] "Tunc imperator gaudens in Domino de visu angelico, depositisque imperii insignibus, discalceatus, protinus, lintea tantum zona praecinctus, crucem manu suscipiens" (PL 110, col. 134 A).[21] "Vexillum," "crux," "partem ligni," "admirabile signum," "dulce lignum," and "splendidior astris" are used interchangeably in this context (PL 110, col. 134 B-C).[22] New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, ms. 641, fol. 155v; F. AVRIL, La décoration des manuscrits du Mont Saint-Michel. 11e-12e siècle, in Millénaire monastique du Mont Saint-Michel, 2. Vie montoise et rayonnement intellectuel, 1967, p. 203-238, p. 218-223; M. BOURGEOIS-LECHARTIER, A la recherche du scriptorium de l’abbaye du Mont Saint-Michel, in Ibidem, p. 171-202 J.J.G. ALEXANDER, Norman Illumination at Mont St. Michel. 966-1100, Oxford, 1970, p. 157-159, fig. 44; G. NORTIER, Les bibliothèques médiévales des abbayes bénédictines de Normandie, Paris, 1971, p. 63-82; M. DOSDAT, L’enluminure romane au Mont Saint-Michel, Xe-XIe siècles, Avranches, 1991, p. 58-61; M. BAYLE, P. BOUET, J.P. BRIGHELLI e.a., Le Mont-Saint-Michel. Histoire et imaginaire, Paris, 1998, passim; M. DOSDAT, Le scriptorium du Mont-Saint-Michel el les images de la foi. Manuscrits enluminés du Xe au XIe siècle, in Images de la foi. La Bible et les Pères de l’Eglise dans les manuscrits de Clairvaux et du Mont-Saint-Michel, Paris, 2002, p. 21-29; A. SOMMERLECHNER, art. cit., 2003, note 174, fig. 1.[23] W.M. GRAUWERS, De betekenis van het blootsvoets lopen in de middeleeuwen, voornamelijk in de 12de eeuw, in Archief- en bibliotheekwezen in België, 42, 1971, p. 141-155.[24] M. ANDRIEU (ed.), Les Ordines Romani du Haut Moyen Age, (Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, 11, 23- 24-28-29), 5 vols, Leuven, 1957-1961, vol. 3, p. 270-271.- See also the study concerning pilgrims’ customs in Rome: M. D'ONOFRIO, Romei e Giubilei. Il Pellegrinaggio medievale a San Pietro (350-1350), Milan, 1999.[25] In a twelfth-century manuscript of the chronicle preserved in Avranches (Bibliothèque de la Ville, ms. 210, fol. 25v), the events are illustrated (fol. 25v). The two registers of the drawing should be read from bottom to top. Below left, the angel appears to Robert, who in the next scene places a large glove on the altar of St Michael. The glove is a symbolical gesture deriving from legal jargon and showing that he gives up his property. At the top, the angel hands the brand new foundation to the abbot in the form of a flowering twig. The Angel Michael is represented here twice in his capacity as a dragon slayer; B. BÄNSCH, Der Schatz der Goldener Tafel zu Lüneburg bis 1245, in Heinrich der Löwe und seine Zeit. Herrschaft und Repräsentation der Welfen 1125-1235, 2. Essays, (exhibit cat.), Munich, 1995, p. 313-328, p. 314, fig. 193.[26] E. HERZFELD, Der Thron der Khosrô. Quellenkritische und Ikonographische Studien über Grensgebiete der Kunstgeschichte des Morgen- und Abendlandes, in Jahrbuch der Preuszischen Kunstsammlungen, 41, 1920, p. 1-24 and p. 103-147; H.P. L'ORANGE, Studies on the Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World, Oslo-Cambridge, 1953; L.-I. RINGBOM, Gralstempel und Paradies. Beziehungen zwischen Iran und Europa im Mittelalter, Stockholm, 1951; IDEM, Paradisus terrestris. Myt, Bild och verklighet, Helsinki, 1958 (with English summary p. 422 ff).[27] M.J. MOHL (ed.), Le livre des Rois par Abou'lkasim Firdausi, 7 vols, reprint of 1878, Paris, 1976, VII, p. 306-315.[28] E. HERZFELD, art. cit., p. 1.[29] T. NÖLDEKE (ed.), Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari übersetzt, Leiden, 1879, introduction[30] I. BEKKERUS (ed.), Georgius Cedrenus. Historiarum Compendium, 1, Bonn, 1838, p. 721 ff- E. Herzfeld deduces from this that Cedrenos, as was his habit, only gave an abridged version and that he must have read it either in a lost Theophanes edition or in a source prior to this one; E. HERZFELD, art. cit., p. 19.[31] Translated from Philostratus, Apollonios, I, 25, 15; A. ALFÖDI, Insignien und Tracht der römischen Kaizer, in Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Römische Abteilung, 50, 1935, p. 128; F. CONYBAERE (ed.), The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. The Epistles of Apollonius and the Treatise of Eusebius, (The Loeb Classical Library, 16-17), London, 1969, 1, p. 77; V. MUMPRECHT (ed.), Das Leben des Apollonius von Tyana, Munich, 1983, p. 83: (A man’s hall) "dessen Dach sich zu einer dem Himmel vergleichbaren Kuppel wölbte und bedeckt war mit Saphirsteinen und in dem Bilder von Göttern an die sich glaubten (...). Hier hält der König Gericht."[32] Vita fabulosa S. Stephani protomartyris, BHL, 1911, no. 7849; G. HENSCHENIUS and D. PAPEBROCHIUS, Acta Sanctorum. Januarii tomus secundus, Paris-Rome, 1866, p. 273.[33] M. CHEEBEL, art. Coq, in Dictionnaire des symboles. Rites, mystique et civilisation, Paris, 1995, p. 112-113.[34] See also: P.O. HARPER, art. Sasanian art, in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, 10, New York, 1988, p. 656-660.[35] Byzantine and Arabian chronicles do mention the stealing of the Cross (vexillum) from Jerusalem (Pisides) and the restitution of it (Theophanes), but not its integration into the astrological clock itself.[36] GOTFRIED OF VITERBO, Pantheon, PL 198, col. 912-915.[37] M. CAMILLE, The Gothic Idol. Ideology and Image-making in Medieval Art, Cambridge, 1989, p. 129-164.[38] 1. Cambridge, University Library, Ms. Mm. 5.31, fol. 79r, 80v, 81v; G. SCHILLER, op. cit., 5, p. 472-473; M. M(ICHAEL), art. Friar Alexander, Commentary on the Apocalypse, in The Apocalypse and the Shape of Things to Come, ed. by F. CAREY, (exhb. cat.), London, 1999, p. 83-84; 2. Breslau, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, I, Qu 19, fol. 64v: Decapitation of Chosroes; M. HUGGLER, Der Bilderkreis in den Handschriften der Alexander-Apokalypse, in Antonianum, 9, 1934, p. 85-150, fig. 9; 3. Prague, Bibliothek des Metropolitanskapitels, Cim. 5, fol. 80v: Decapitation of Chosroes; See also: R. CHADRABA, art. Antichrist, in Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, 1, Rome-Vienna, 1968, col. 119-122.[39] Text edition: E. SACKUR, Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen. Pseudomethodius, Adso und die Tiburtinische Sibylle, Halle, 1898, p. 644-674; A. LOLOS, Die Apokalypse des Ps.-Methodius, Meisenheim-am-Glan, 1979 (Greek).[40] As is known, the legend of the Last Emperor has had a strong influence on political-theological thought in the Middle Ages (especially in the Holy Roman Empire). In the Cologne Book of Sibyls, Frederick I Barbarossa is given all the characteristics of the Last Emperor; See: W. GREBE, Sibyllen Weissagung, Cologne, 1989.[41] Ibidem, p. 101, note 2: Chronica Slavorum, ed. J.M. LAPPENBERG, vol. I, cap. I-XII, MGH SS 21, 1869, p. 101 ff.[42] Ibidem, p. 92. In the Sächsische Weltchronik, 1260, Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek, Codex Memb. I. 90, fol. 65v, the battle is also a duel.[43] Ibidem, p. 121, noot 26: MGH (1859), 231: "quia in hoc resedit examinatum quampluries nostrorum consilium, quod esset salubrius nobis et toti Europe, ut Danubius fortaliciis muniretur. Hec enim est aqua contradictionis, hic Eraclius occurrit Cosdroes pro Romano imperio defendo, et hic eciam nos quantumcumque improvisi, et tunc enormiter lesi per decem menses contradiximus Thartaris, regno nostro tunc fere penitus fortaliciis et defensoribus immunito, quod, quod absit, si possideretur a Thartaris, esset pro ipsis apertum hostium ad alias fidei catholice regions."[44] See also: M. CURSCHMANN, Constantine-Heraclius. German Texts and Picture Cycles, in Piero della Francesca and His Legacy, ed. M.A. LAVIN, (Studies in the History of Art, 48), Hannover-London, 1995, p. 49-61, in the cycle of 1350 in Fraurombach, Oberhessen. Here the childhood of Heraclius according to a Byzantine courtlegend is depicted too. Fraurombach depended on Fulda.[45] Ibidem, p. 122-123.[46] See: B. DUNN-LARDEAU (ed.), Legenda Aurea. Sept siècles de diffusion. Actes du colloque international sur la Legenda Aurea. Texte latin et branches vernaculaires à l'Université du Québec à Montréal 11-12 mai 1983, Montreal-Paris 1986: several case-studies.[47] On the discovery of the True Cross, the Inventio crucis, see: S. BORGEHAMMAR, How the Holy Cross Was Found. From Event to Medieval Legend. With an Appendix of Texts, Stockholm, 1991; J.W. DRIJVERS, Helena Augusta. The Mother of Constantine the Great and the Legend of Her Finding of the True Cross, Leiden-Cologne, 1992. The Inventio crucis and the Restitutio crucis became united in the so-called legend of the True Cross.[48] I cannot go further into this: see B. BAERT, The Figure of Seth in the Vault-Paintings in the Parish Church of Östofte. In Search for the Iconographical Tradition, in Konsthistorisk tidskrift, Stockholm, 66, 2, 1997, p. 97-111, IDEM, La Piscine Probatique à Jérusalem. L'eau médicinale au Moyen Age, in Als Ich Can. Liber Amicorum in Memory of Professor Dr. Maurits Smeyers, ed. B. CARDON e.a., Leuven, 2002, p. 91-129[49] S. PFLEGER, Eine Legende und ihre Erzählformen. Studien zur Rezeption der Kreuzlegenden in der italienischen Monumentalmalerei des Tre- und Quattrocento, (Europäische Hochschulschriften, 18. Kunstgeschichte, 214), Frankfurt-Vienna 1994, p. 53-72 on the cycle and p. 123-129 on the patrons. A testament by Alberto di Lapo degli Alberti from 1348 (during the plague) demonstrates for certain the earliest contact between the family and the Franciscan convent (Florence, Archivio di Stato, Diplomatico S. Croce 1348; S. PFLEGER, Eine Legende, p. 125-126).[50] The documents of the Compagnia della santa Croce in Montepulciano relate that in 1415 a voyage to Florence was financed for Nanni (Giovanni) di Caccia to study Gaddi’s frescoes in the Santa Croce; A. LADIS, Un' ordinazione per disegni dal ciclo della vera croce di Agnoli Gaddi a Firenze, in Rivista d'arte, 41, 1989, p. 153-158.[51] Bonaventura, Opera omnia, Legenda major, XIII, 3: "seraph unum effigies hominis crucifixi christo sub specie seraph ... circa festum exaltationis sanctae crucis"; D.V. MONTI, Francis of Assisi, in The Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. M. ELIADE, 3, New York-London 1987, p. 407-408. Also mentioned in the 13th-century Fioretti of Ugolino; G.D. BONINO (ed.), I fioretti di San Francesco, Turin 1974, p. 176, p. 180.[52] L. LEHMANN, Prinzipien Franziskanischer Mission nach den frühen Quellen, in Francescanesimo e profezia, ed. E. COVI, Rome 1985, p. 144, especially regarding the threat of Islam, but also with respect to the Byzantine Orthodox Church; G. SPIERIS, Francesco d'Assisi. Profeta dell' incontro tra Occidente e Oriente, in Francescanesimo e profezia, p. 453-489.[53] G. ODOARDI, La custodia di Terra Santa nel VI. centenario della sua costituzione, in Miscellanea francescana, 43, 1943, p. 217-256.[54] L. LEHMANN, Prinzipien, passim.[55] Thanks to Prof. Dr. Don Giuseppe Avarucci, Università di Macerata, who alerted me to this fact.[56] L. SCHNEIDER, The Iconography of Piero della Francesca's Frescoes Illustrating the Legend of the True Cross in the Church of San Francesco in Arezzo, in The Art Quaterly, 32, 1969, p. 23-48; M.A. LAVIN, Piero della Francesca and His Legacy, (Studies in the History of Art 48), Hannover-London, 1995; IDEM, Piero della Francesca: San Francesco, Arezzo-Paris, 1995; C. GINZBURG, Enquête sur Piero della Francesca. Le Baptême, le cycle d'Arezzo, la Flagellation d'Urbino, Paris, 1981, p. 33-63 ; J. BECK, Piero della Francesca at San Francesco in Arezzo. An Art-Historical Peregrination, in Artibus et historiae. An Art Anthology, 47, 2003, p. 51-80.[57] M.A. LAVIN, art. cit., p. 148.[58] C. GINZBURG, op. cit., p. 56; see: L. MOHLER, Kardinal Bessarion als Theologe, Humanist und Staatsmann, Aken, 1967; J. GILL, Was Bessarion a Conciliarist or an Unionist Before the Council of Florence, in Collectanea byzantina, Rome, 1977, p. 201-219; H. VAST, Le cardinal Bessarion (1403-1472). Etude sur la Chrétienté et la Renaissance vers le milieu du XVième siècle, Genève, 1977; G. FIACADORI, Bessarion e l'umanismo, (exhib. Cat.), Venice, 1994.[59] C. GINZBURG, op. cit., p. 57; G. MERCATI, Per la cronologia della vita e degli scritti do Niccolò Perotti arcivescovo di Siponto, Rome, 1925.[60] A. FROLOW, La relique de la vraie croix. Recherches sur le développement d'un culte, Parijs, 1961, p. 563-565.[61] See: B. BAERT, La cappella Farfense in Montegiorgio. Una leggende della vera croce nelle Marche (ca 1425), in Arte cristiana, 804, 2001, p. 219-233; B. BAERT, The Wall Paintings in the Campanile of the Church of St. Nicola in Lanciano (ca. 1330-1400). Reading an Unknown Legend of the Cross in the Abruzzi, Italy, in Iconographica, 2, 1, 2003, p. 108-125.[62] H. KOLLER, Der Thron Khosraus II. Zu den Chorgemälden in der Kirche von Wiesendangen, s.l., s.d., p. 93-99; E. RAMP, Die legende vom heiligen Kreuz. Ihre Bedeutung und ihr geschichtlicher Hintergrund, in Winterthurer Jahrbuch, 1969, p. 63-76; Chr. and D. EGGENBERGER, Malerei des Mittelalters (Ars Helvetica, 5. Die visuelle Kultur des Schweiz), Bern, 1989, p. 162-167; J. MICHLER, Gotische Wandmalerei am Bodensee, Friedrichshafen, 1992, p. 134-150.[63] A. FROLOW, Les reliquaires de la vraie croix, Paris, 1965, p. 508, nr. 715.[64] F. CAPPELLETTI, L'affresco nel catino absidiale di Santa Croce in Gerusalemme a Roma. La fonte iconografica, la committenza e la datazione, in Storia dell'arte, 66, 1989, p. 119-126; G. SCAVIZZI, The Cross. A 16th Century Controversy, in Storia dell'arte, 65, 1989, p. 27-43; M. BASILE BONSANTE, Dal racconto all’icona. Modelli iconografici della "Historia Crucis" tra Cinque e Seicento, in M. Stella Calò MARIANI (ed.), Il cammino di Gerusalemme. Atti del II Convegno Internazionale di Studio (Bari-Brindisi-Trani, 18-22 maggio 1999), Bari, 2002, p. 387-416. On Heraclius in late medieval popular culture, see L. KRETZENBACHER, Kreuzholzlegenden zwischen Byzanz und dem Abendlande, (Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philologisch-historische Klasse. Sitzungsberichte, 3), Munich, 1995.
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