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By Mark A. Chancey
Department of Religious Studies
Southern Methodist University
March 2004
Millions of Americans have now gone to the theaters to see Mel Gibson’s movie,
The Passion of the Christ, and more will go before the Lenten season is over.
The movie has proven to be a profoundly moving experience for many viewers,
especially for Christians who believe in substitutionary atonement, the idea
that Christ died to pay the penalty for humanity’s sins. In that theological
view, every blow, every insult, and every lash of the whip Christ receives is
punishment that should have been directed at sinners instead. Those patrons
interpret the movie through the lens of verses like Romans 5:8 (“God proves
his love for us in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us”) and
John 15:13 (“Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life
for his friends”). For many of these viewers, it is they themselves, not
Christ, who should receive the beating. It is they themselves, not Christ, who
should be executed. Thus, it is they themselves, not the Romans or the Jews,
who are responsible for his death. Gibson very effectively drives this point
home by showing his own hand driving the nails into the hand of Jesus.
How, some ask, could a story about the salvation of the world be so
controversial? How could anyone regard it as anti-Semitic? How could anyone
find it offensive? Some people have dismissed concerns about the movie as mere
political correctness and a misguided desire to try to avoid offending any
party. Others have equated any criticism of it all as a full-frontal assault
on Christianity and any critics as “humanists,” “secularists,” “atheists,” or
“liberals.”
While the media have made much of the controversy over the film, few articles
or TV stories have provided enough contexts to fully explain why the movie has
raised concerns. Understanding why aspects of this movie could be seen as
anti-Semitic requires understanding the unfortunate role Christianity has
played in the historical development of anti-Semitism.
While most Christians are familiar with the stories in the Gospels of Jesus’
arrest, trial, torture, and crucifixion, they are less familiar with how those
same stories have been used throughout history to justify not only anti-Jewish
sentiment but, at times, violent persecution of Jews. The tragic truth is that
the same imagery Christians associate with the suffering of Jesus is imagery
that has all too often been associated with the suffering of Jews.
The Gospels’ passion narratives form the basis for the ancient Christian
charge against the Jews of “deicide” -- the murder of God. All four of the
Gospels depict the handing over of Jesus to the Romans by Jewish authorities
and the demand of a Jewish crowd that Jesus be crucified. Most historians who
have studied the issue agree that the Gospels deflect the responsibility for
Jesus’ crucifixion away from the Roman governor, Pontius Pilate, in a way that
appears unrealistic. We know a lot about Pilate -- more than we know about a
lot of provincial officials in the Roman world: he was not one to shy away
from violence, and he did not have to crucify anyone he did not want to
crucify. The Gospels, however, depict Pilate as extremely reluctant to have
Jesus killed; indeed, he was practically forced to do so by the Jewish priests
and the assembled crowds. Why would the Gospels tell the story in such a way?
Christians living under Roman rule obviously benefited by downplaying the role
Roman authorities played in the execution of Jesus. The result of the Gospels’
versions of the passion, however, was that Jews were often held primarily to
be responsible for Jesus’ death.
Details in two Gospels made special contributions to Christian anti-Judaism.
In Matthew 27:24-25, the Roman governor Pilate washes his hands of
responsibility for Jesus’ death, and the assembled Jews cry out, “His blood be
on us and our children.” In John 19:16-17, Pilate hands Jesus over to “them”
to be crucified. While the writer probably intended the “them” to mean the
Roman soldiers (who crucify Jesus in the other Gospels), the verses have often
been interpreted as a reference to the Jewish crowd. The end result is that
some Christians have thought that “the Jews” killed Jesus, and, especially in
light of Matthew, that the Jewish people as a whole were forever to be held
accountable.
We find a steady stream of anti-Jewish comments in early Christian literature,
including claims like the following: Jews are stubborn because they refuse to
accept Jesus. God has revoked his covenant with them. Their temple was
destroyed by the Romans in 70 CE, and they were expelled from Jerusalem as
punishment by God because they had killed his son. They were now doomed to
wander the earth, never finding peace or a home. Collectively, such statements
are known as the ad versos Judaeos, the “against the Jews,” tradition. The
deicide charge figures prominently among them, as seen in the following
examples.
A. In the Passover sermon of Melito of Sardis, a second-century bishop in
Syria, we get repeated references to the idea that “the Jews killed Jesus.” He
asks over and over again,”Why, O Israel, have you done this strange wrong?” At
the end of the sermon, he describes the crucifixion: “He who hung the earth
was hung/ he who affixed the heavens was affixed/ he who sustained all was
suspended on the tree/ the master has been outraged/ god has been murdered/
the king of Israel slain by an Israelite hand.”
B. Justin Martyr (second century) says that misfortune has come upon the Jews
-- the desolation of their land, the burning of their cities, and their
expulsion from Jerusalem -- because of their deicide: “These things have
happened to you in fairness and justice, for you have slain the Just One.”
C. Tertullian (2-3rd century, North Africa) writes that God has rejected the
Jews because of their role in Jesus’ death, drawing special attention to
Matthew 27:25 and John 19:12.
D. Augustine (4th century) argued that Jews should be identified with Cain
from the story of Cain and Abel (Genesis 4:1-16). What had Cain done? He
murdered his brother. What was his punishment? To roam the earth. The Jews,
just like Cain, had slain their brother Jesus, and they would be damned to
wander the earth homeless, forever.
E. Gregory of Nyssa (4th century) wrote: “Slayers of the Lord, murderers of
the prophets, adversaries of God, men who show contempt for the law, foes of
grace, enemies of their fathers’ faith, advocates of the Devil, broods of
vipers, slanderers, scoffers, men whose minds are in darkness, leaven of the
Pharisees, assembly of demons, sinners, wicked men, stoners and haters of
righteousness.”
F. John Chrysostom (4th century), author of one of the most used liturgies in
Christendom, described Jews as drunken gluttons who hire prostitutes and who
worship idols; people of darkness, not of the light; and “Christ killers.”
Jews, who had murdered their master, were no better than dogs. They were, in
fact, “wild animals suited only for slaughter.”
While many of these names may sound obscure now, these men were some of the
most influential thinkers in early Christianity. Much Christian theology today
is indebted to the way these men interpreted scripture, which is why they are
counted among the “Church Fathers.”
Anti-Jewish rhetoric like this was not limited to ancient Christianity,
however. There are numerous examples from the earliest centuries of the
tradition to the modern period. Some of the worst come from the pen of Martin
Luther, who started the Protestant Reformation. In one of his earlier
writings, “That Jesus Christ was born a Jew,” he advised Christians to
befriend Jews and treat them kindly, with the hope that many would convert to
Christianity. Twenty years later, however, in 1543, Luther was advocating a
very different treatment in a tract called “Concerning the Jews and their
Damnable Lies.” What did he advise Christians to do to the Jews? Burn their
synagogues, destroy their homes, force them to all move into one place
together so Christians could monitor them, take away their prayer books and
sacred writings, forbid their rabbis to teach, revoke their travel privileges,
consign them to forced labor, and, if necessary, drive them out of Germany.
Unfortunately, anti-Jewish beliefs were all too often accompanied by active
persecution of Jews, sometimes by official church authorities, sometimes by
laypeople. This persecution included laws passed by church councils, some
locally binding and others widely enforced, such as the following decrees:
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Jews may not appear in public during Holy Week (Council of Orleans, 538).
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Jews may not be judges, tax collectors (Council of Macon, 581) or hold
public office (Council of Paris, 614, Council of Toledo, 633).
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Jewish children are to be brought up by Christians (Council of Toledo, 633).
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Jews must pay tithes to the Christian church (Council of Gerona, 1078).
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Jews may not build new synagogues (Council of Oxford, 1222).
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Jews must live in ghettoes (Synod of Breslau, 1267).
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Jews must wear distinctive clothing (Fourth Lateran Council, 1215); in
France, the mark of distinction was a yellow star.
Beginning in the medieval period, many churches and communities began
sponsoring the passion plays, pageants that retold the story of Jesus’
crucifixion and resurrection. These productions were all too often full of
negative and harsh depictions of Jews, who were collectively depicted as
devious, harsh, and bloodthirsty. On many occasions, their performances were
followed by violence against Jews.
To make matters worse, other superstitions about Jews arose in some Christian
quarters. Jews were often accused of host desecration, defiling or destroying
the communion wafers believed to be Jesus’ body, and thus committing deicide
all over again. They were also accused of murdering Christians (usually
children) to use their blood to prepare the Passover meal. Historians have
demonstrated that both charges were false, but they resulted, nonetheless, in
a considerable amount of anti-Jewish violence.
It is within this larger context that the furor over Gibson’s movie must be
understood. The types of anti-Jewish sentiments mentioned above are foreign to
most American Christians today, most of whom who have never heard of
“deicide,” “blood libel,” or the ad versos Judaeos tradition. Many Christian
denominations have issued official statements repudiating the deicide charge
and committing themselves to fighting anti-Semitism. The fact that so many
Christians have not regarded Gibson’s movie as problematic is in many ways a
sign of progress on this front: most Christians are not carrying anti-Semitism
with them into the theater, and they are not finding it on the screen once
they get there.
”Most” is not the same as “all,” however. If some people can read The DaVinci
Code and then believe that Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene, it requires no
stretch of the imagination to think that at least a few viewers will believe
Gibson’s movie is an accurate portrayal of events. They will see Gibson’s
whitewashing of Pilate and his vilification of the Jews, points on which the
movie goes well beyond what we find in the Gospels, and walk out thinking
about how vicious “those Jews” were. The anti-Semitic slur “Christ-killer,”
though repeated less frequently now than in decades past, is still heard. The
minority of viewers who already harbor anti-Semitic feelings may well walk
away feeling validated, having just witnessed “the Jews” kill Jesus on the
movie screen. Those who still hold to the view that all Jews are responsible
for the death of Jesus, and the view does still circulate in some sectors of
American Christianity; will find nothing but confirmation of that belief in
this movie.
Even more troubling is the possibility that the movie will fuel anti-Semitism
in some areas abroad. Gibson, as is well known, deleted the subtitles for
Matthew 27:25, “His blood be on us and our children.” The sentence is still
present in the Aramaic, however, and it is entirely possible that it will be
translated when the movie circulates in other areas. Anti-Semitism appears to
be on the rise globally, and there are definitely audiences who will interpret
Gibson’s film, however well intentioned it is, in the worst light possible, a
minority of audiences, to be sure, but audiences nonetheless. In a world where
even the atrocious and absurd blood libel charge still circulates, there is
reason to be concerned about the ripple effects of this movie.
None of this means that Christians should not go to the movie or that it is
wrong to be moved by it or that the spiritual experiences it has prompted are
invalid or inappropriate. It does mean, however, that rather than belittling
Jewish concerns and demonizing the film’s critics (Jewish, Christian, and
other), we should perhaps listen. Gibson’s movie provides Christians with an
opportunity to reflect on the depths of the suffering of Jesus, but it also
provides us all with an opportunity to reflect on the unfortunate role the
passion narratives have played in Jewish-Christian relations.
For further study:
For recent church statements on Jewish-Christian relations, see:
the Document page at
Boston College’s Center for Christian-Jewish Learning.
For a theological appraisal of The Passion of the Christ, see:
Philip A. Cunningham,
Gibson’s “The Passion of the Christ”: A Challenge for
Catholic Teaching.
On passion plays, see:
Gordon R. Mork, “Jesus’ Passion on the Stage: The Traditional Melodrama of
Deicide,”
Journal of Religion and Society 6 (2004).
On Christian anti-Semitism, see:
John T. Pawlikowski, “Christian Anti-Semitism: Past History, Present
Challenges: Reflections in Light of Mel Gibson’s ‘The Passion of the Christ,’”
Journal of Religion and Film 8 (2004).
Clark M. Williamson, Has God Rejected His People? Anti-Judaism in the
Christian Church (Nashville: Abingdon, 1982). (Williamson’s book served as the
source for much of the discussion above, especially the patristic citations
and the list of church council decisions.)
On the rise of global anti-Semitism, see:
The Anti-Semitism International link of the
Anti-Defamation League.
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