Now I hope there is time for some questions—the tougher the
better.
Q. What about the inkwells found at Qumran?
A. About five inkwells have been identified as coming from
Qumran. Since this is more than have been found at any other site, this has been
cited to argue that scrolls were produced at Qumran. And if some of these
inkwells were from Period II, this would suggest, so the argument goes, that
scrolls were produced at Qumran in Period II, which then ended up in the caves.
But first of all, it is not controversial that most, or at least a large number
of the texts, were brought to the site, imported. The thinking is that a large
number of the texts were imported, while some others were produced at the site.
But citing the inkwells to show this runs into some problems. Two of these five
inkwells appear to be from Period III, post-68 CE. One of the inkwells was
reported by de Vaux found in a Period III context. This is in Humbert and
Chambon 1994 (locus 31). Another of the Qumran inkwells, this one from the
antiquities market, was argued to be Period III in an article by Torleif Elgvin
and Stephen Pfann a couple of years ago. [T. Elgvin and S. Pfann, "An Incense
altar from Qumran?" Dead Sea Discoveries 9, 2002: 20-33.] Elgvin and
Pfann do not claim full certainty that that one is Period III; they say it could
be Period II, but they argue that it is Period III. They give reasons why it
looks like Period III to them. But Period III is later than anyone says the
scrolls were deposited. This is when de Vaux says Romans were at the site. Now
some are saying that Period III was maybe Jewish inhabited—different Jews
resettling Qumran after the destruction of 68 CE, but Jews. In any case, Period
III is later than anyone has the scrolls deposited, yet two of the five
inkwells—one for sure, according to de Vaux’s record of its find-spot, and the
other argued to be—are from Period III. What is one to make of this? Of course,
one could say maybe de Vaux’s Period III inkwell was found out of context, but
nothing in the published information says that—that would be simply ad hoc.
If there are inkwells in Period III which have nothing to do with the scrolls,
what can be concluded from inkwells before Period III? It just isn’t known. The
inkwells confirm that there was writing happening at Qumran, but that is already
known from ostraca found at the site, so that is nothing new. None of the
writing found at the site has anything to do with the scrolls found in the
caves, either—no distinct wording, no identity of a scribe, etc. If anyone can
get better information out of these inkwells, I’d like to know.
Q. Was there a motivation to have a first-century CE dating
of the scrolls in the early years of the scroll discoveries since people were
asking whether these texts said anything about Jesus?
A. This raises an interesting point. There was a lot of
looking for Jesus and John the Baptist, etc. in the scrolls in the early years.
But that does not seem to have been a factor in the scroll deposit dating.
Scholars today know that none of the texts are written as late as the
first century CE. Everyone agrees on that. Well, Eisenman and Thiering think
there are first-century CE references in the texts, but their views are not
accepted by other Qumran scholars. In fact, ironically, Eisenman uses the
argument (paraphrased): "why would the people of the Qumran scrolls spend all of
their time writing peshers and other texts about events and persons of a century
or more earlier, and never write about what was happening contemporary to
themselves, in the first century CE?" Given the premise of CE deposits,
Eisenman’s argument has a point. The problem is the premise. The Qumran field
already knows the text compositions are not later than 1st
century BCE. The proposal here is simply to move the text deposits
earlier in agreement with where Qumran scholars already have the end of
text compositions.
Q. But were there underlying motivations behind the strength
of the First Revolt, first-century CE deposit dating?
A. I don’t think anything was going on other than honest
mistakes based on responses to information as it became available, in terms of
how it originated. De Vaux’s interpretation of Qumran’s archaeology is filled
with early mistakes which later are corrected or seen to be somewhat different,
in many areas of interpretation. If de Vaux got the scroll deposit datings
mistaken, that is only in keeping with what has happened in other details and
phenomena associated with the site. As for the tenacity with which the First
Revolt dating is held after it got started, this would get into unverifiable
speculation, into matters of psychology and so on, that are probably not
fruitful (because unverifiable). For example, it could be argued that the 1st
century CE is the century everyone knows about—it has Josephus, the New
Testament, Jesus, the fall of the temple, etc.—whereas the first century BCE is
(relatively speaking) a dark age. Who knows anything about or cares about the 1st
century BCE?—apart from people like us who make our living studying this stuff.
The 1st century CE is the century of interest. Did this enter
into the appeal of the story of the Qumran scrolls deposited in caves at the
First Revolt in the 1st century CE? It makes such a good story. There
was also the story of Essenes at the site in the 1st century CE,
which came to an end at the First Revolt. This story was linked to the First
Revolt dating of the text deposits from the start. When the earlier, 1st-century
BCE habitation period at Qumran was discovered in the second excavation season,
the start of the Essene habitation was simply moved back, like stretching a
rubber band back to make it longer, without questioning anything else.
Basically, the dating of the deposits in the caves started as a mistake in de
Vaux’s early archaeological interpretation, which seemed like a good idea at the
time, and which just sort of took on momentum, never got corrected, and here we
are.
Q. What are the consequences to scholarship of the Qumran
texts if the deposits are earlier than thought?
A. This again is an interesting point because the
consequences are less than they might seem. Scholars already have all of the
Qumran texts written not later than 1st BCE, so nothing is
changed in terms of when the texts were composed. In fact, such a correction of
archaeological interpretation has no major consequences that I can see apart
from the correction itself. It is simply moving the date of the deposits earlier
to be in agreement with where scholars already have the end of composition of
the texts. Let me correct that—I just said nothing of substance changes, but
maybe that is not correct. With First Revolt deposits, the texts look like the
work of a sect or something outside the mainstream since they seem "different"
than the mainstream. But if all of the text deposits are from 1st
century BCE, the possibility is opened up that the texts could represent an
earlier mainstream. Of course earlier text deposits could still also be
marginal or sectarian, but there is a greater range of possibility open. That is
the main possible larger consequence that I can see.
Q. What about the "Herodian" lamps found in Cave 1?
A. The "Herodian" lamps found in some of the caves do not
prove 1st century CE or Period II scroll jars. De Vaux found three "Herodian"
lamps in a Period Ib context in locus 114, according to his Schweich lectures
volume. Also, I noticed in Bar-Nathan’s Jericho volume that what de Vaux called
the "hellenistic" lamps—which are exclusively Period Ib at Qumran and in Cave
1—were found at Jericho with "Herodian" lamps, contemporary in the same
location, in a context dated by the excavators 15-6 BCE. If these lamps were
found together at Jericho, it cannot be assumed the "Herodian" lamps in Cave 1
are necessarily later than the "hellenistic" lamps in Cave 1 (since the two
types of lamps appear together at Jericho). And the "hellenistic" lamps in Cave
1 are definitely Period Ib. The "Herodian" lamps in Cave 1 could be from later,
but it isn’t certain. Of course the big question with "Herodian" lamps as well
as the other pottery found in the caves where scrolls were found is association:
what can be known to be associated with the scrolls, as distinguished from
possible later intrusions.
Q. Were the "scroll jars" ever used for holding human bones?
A. No report of anything like this have I ever heard. There
was a "scroll jar" reported found in a cemetery way up in Quailibah, or Abila,
in Transjordan far to the north of the Dead Sea, supposedly in a 2nd
century CE context. The jar was never drawn or illustrated, and its present
whereabouts is unknown. But nothing about human bones in it.
Q. Were all the scrolls put in the caves at the same time?
Why were the scrolls put in the caves?
A. This question goes to the heart of one of the most
important, and unfortunately unresolved, issues in understanding this whole
thing. There seem to be at least three basic possibilities for the text deposits
in the caves. They could be permanent disposals with no intent to recover them,
stored and hidden away carefully because they are sacred texts so no one would
find them and defile them. Or a second possibility could be that they could be
depositories in active use that were interrupted and abandoned at some point. Or
third, they could be hidden away in the caves in an emergency or time of crisis
and were never recovered because the people who did this were killed or
deported, and unable to get back to recover their scrolls. And it is possible
that different explanations among these three could apply to different caves. It
is interesting that the "outlying" caves seem to have the scrolls in jars,
whereas the texts in the "inlying" caves adjacent to the site—which is most of
the Qumran texts—seem not to have been stored in jars, but rather put in those
caves loosely. Yet the texts are the same in kind in all of the caves. There
seems to be no basis for a distinction of different kinds of texts, or
systematically different dates of texts, in particular caves. It is the same
kind of texts of apparently the same (range of) dates in the caves, except for
the inlying/outlying jar/non-jar association distinction—at least it seems to be
something like this. How is this to be interpreted? I don’t know for sure, and I
don’t know that most Qumran scholars claim certainty in answer to these
questions either. Interesting questions, but without secure knowledge, it is
difficult to see how these issues can be argued to support any dating of the
text deposits over some other dating.
Q. Were "scroll jars" found in caves other than with scrolls?
A. Yes, de Vaux and Harding found large numbers of "scroll
jars" in many caves which had nothing to do with any sign of scroll activity.
This was the main reason de Vaux and Harding changed from their earlier view
that the jars’ primary purpose was for holding scrolls, to instead, according to
de Vaux, being used primarily for holding food or supplies.
Q. Were "scroll jars" found in locus 86 (where the Period Ib
bowl was found with what Cross said was "first century A.D." writing)?
A. No, no "scroll jars" were found in that locus in de Vaux’s
reports.
Q. Has Cross’s palaeographical dating of the locus 86 bowl
ever been challenged?
A. No—the dating comes from Cross, and Cross still sticks to
it, in his 1995 third edition of The Ancient Library of Qumran. No one
has challenged Cross’ palaeographical dating on this particular item to my
knowledge. Yet the bowl is from what is unanimously agreed to be a Period Ib
context at Qumran, the writing was done before the bowl was fired, and the bowls
are exclusively 1st century BCE at Jericho, according to Bar-Nathan.
So the archaeological dating of the locus 86 bowl is pretty airtight. But Cross
has not budged. In 1995, he wrote that he saw no reason to alter his
palaeographical dates in the Hasmonean or Herodian periods from what he
published in 1961. Cross still insists the writing on that Period Ib bowl from
Qumran locus 86 is "first century A.D." But the writing on that locus 86 bowl is
only 1st century CE in his system, not in reality.
Q. What is your source on saying that Masada texts are later
(palaeographically) than the latest Qumran texts?
A. A very alert question. Unlike the first two points—the
dates of internal allusions and non-Masoretic versus Masoretic biblical
texts—both of those observations are well recognized (only the implications have
been missed)—this third point about Masada Shir Shabbat being later
palaeographically than the latest Qumran text deposits has not yet been noticed
by Qumran scholars on the level of observation. I found it, I have the data on
it, and I will be publishing on this. So on this third point, unlike the first
two, I don’t have a secondary source to cite—the footnote on this one is "Doudna,
forthcoming." The reason this palaeography has not been noticed is because of
the First Revolt deposit date’s filtering effect on perception—it is there, but
it has not been "seen."
Q. Again, what does Bar-Nathan say about scroll jars in First
Revolt contexts at Masada?
A. I wrote Bar-Nathan and asked about this point concerning
scroll jars at Masada. Either because of a misprint or a possible language
difficulty, I’m not sure which, anyway, Bar-Nathan was very courteous and wrote
me back with an answer, but unfortunately it did not answer my question. The
"scroll jars" are Bar-Nathan’s Type SJ2B. I wrote Bar-Nathan an email and asked
if she knew of any SJ2B "scroll jars" at Masada in First Revolt contexts. (I
noted I could find no reference to any SJ2B jars at Masada in her 2002 Jericho
volume.) Bar-Nathan replied that she had "SJ2" jars at Masada which seemed to be
in First Revolt contexts, from the Yadin excavations. But SJ2 is a whole larger
category or class of jars which includes many non-Qumran scroll jar types. So
that did not answer the question. Only SJ2B are Qumran-type "scroll jars," and
that was the question. I wrote Bar-Nathan back and asked her to clarify if there
were any SJ2B—2B—jars, specifically, found at Masada in a First Revolt
context. But I never got an answer back from Bar-Nathan to my followup question.
So that is all I could find out about that. There is no verification of these
alleged Masada First Revolt scroll jars. Of course, it is always possible that
real evidence could be shown at some point that scroll jars were used in Period
II at Qumran or that scroll deposits occurred in Period II. I am saying there is
no evidence for this in terms of what is presently known, and it sure looks like
it has been a mistake all this time.
Appendix
(1) "Hellenistic" lamps: 1st century CE to Period
Ib
After the first excavation of Qumran in 1951, de Vaux dated
two "hellenistic" lamps which had been found in Cave 1 to the 1st
century CE (de Vaux 1955 [DJD I]: 11). Later, de Vaux corrected the dating of
the "hellenistic" lamps from both Cave 1 and the site to Period Ib exclusively
(R. de Vaux, Archaeology and the Ded Sea Scrolls. The Schweich Lectures of
the British Academy 1959 [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973], 18,
49-50). The Qumran Period Ib dating of these lamps is corroborated by the
Jericho finds (Bar-Nathan, Hasmonean and Herodian Palaces at Jericho,
111). In 1998, Robert Donceel demonstrated that the two "hellenistic" lamps
found in Cave 1 were made by the same workshop which produced two "hellenistic"
lamps found in debris from Period Ib in Trench A outside the north wall of
Qumran, and that clay testing suggested that this workshop was located at
Qumran itself. Donceel commented: "Si ces observations renforcent
l’hypothèse, dictée d’ailleurs par la simple vraisemblance, de relations entre
le site et les grottes toutes proches ; elles attesteent néanmoins qu’elles
étaient réelles à une époque bien antérieure à celle des événements qui
conduisirent à la prise du site par les Romains puis à celle de Jérusalem et à
la ruine du temple" ("If these observations reinforce the hypothesis,
dictated otherwise by simple likelihood, of a relationship between the site
and the nearby caves, they nevertheless attest that this relationship was at a
time well before the events which resulted in the capture of the site by the
Romans and then Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple") (R. Donceel,
"Poursuite des travaux de publication du matériel archéologique de Khirbet
Qumrân. Les lampes en terre-cuite," in Z.J. Kapera [ed.], Mogilany 1995.
Papers on the Dead Sea Scrolls offered in memory of Aleksy Klawek [Qumranica
Mogilanensia 15; Cracow: Enigma Press, 1998], 87-104 at 104).
(2) Animal bone deposits—Ib/II to Ib
De Vaux wrote: "The clearest proof of all [that the
occupiers of Period II belonged to the same group which had left Qumran in
Period Ib] is, perhaps, the evidence that so special a rite as the burying of
the [animal] bones was observed at both periods" (Archaeology,
120). But after examining de Vaux’s unpublished materials in preparation for
publication of de Vaux’s excavations, Robert Donceel reported in 1998: "nous …
sommes arrivés à la conclusion qu’aucune de ces dépositions n’y est
postérieure à la phase Ib du R.P. de Vaux" ("we have arrived at the
conclusion that none of these [animal bone] deposits are later than de Vaux’s
Period Ib") (Donceel 1998: 99).
(3) The most common bowl at Qumran—Ib/II to Ib
Bar-Nathan notes that there are no 1st-century
CE attestations at Jericho of Jericho type BL5, the most common type of bowl
found at Qumran (708 of this bowl were found at locus 86 alone at Qumran) and
suggests that de Vaux may have erred in attributing these bowls to both Period
Ib and Period II. Bar-Nathan: "In view of the absence of this bowl
[J-BL5] from first-century C.E. contexts at Jericho, the dating of the
material from Qumran Period II might have to be revised" (Hasmonean and
Herodian Palaces at Jericho, 89).
(4) Scroll deposits in caves—Ib/II to Ib …
For further on the subject of this paper, and references, see:
Greg Doudna, "The Legacy of an Error in Archaeological Interpretation: the
Dating of the Qumran Cave Scroll Deposits", in K. Galor and J. Zangenburg (eds),
Qumran. The Site of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Archaeological Interpretation and
Debate. (Volume of papers of Brown University conference, November 2002.)
Leiden: Brill. Forthcoming.
Greg Doudna, 4Q Pesher Nahum: A Critical Edition. Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. Appendices A and B (pp. 675-754).
Greg Doudna, "Dating the Scrolls on the Basis of Radiocarbon Analysis", in
P. Flint and J. VanderKam (eds), The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years.
Vol. I; Leiden: Brill, 1998. Pp. 430-471.
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