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By David
Stacey
E. Netzer has recently exposed a colonnaded hall in Jericho that he claims to
be the oldest synagogue in Palestine (Netzer, 1999). But how does this
proposed synagogue fit into the overall context of the Hasmonean Royal Estate
in Jericho?
This estate was founded on a previously unexploited site quite far removed
from the spring of Ain es-Sultan, which was the most likely focus of the
permanent settlement of Jericho at that period. The development of the estate
required the expenditure of considerable effort and expense in building
aqueducts to bring water from distant sources: the first from Ein Qelt, the
second from Ein Na’aran. The fertility of the newly irrigated soil together
with the favorable winter climate could be expected to yield bountiful
harvests, particularly those valuable crops, referred to by classical writers 1, derived from balsam and date trees. Balsam, once established, would yield
high value oil products, but it was notoriously difficult to cultivate and
took several years to reach maturity. Dates, while they can produce a small
crop after five years, are at their most productive only after twelve to
fifteen years. Thus, the early Hasmoneans who were not fabulously wealthy or
even particularly secure received no quick profit from the two long aqueducts
that they had invested in so heavily.
As trees matured and the initial investment began to show signs of success,
greater overall supervision was needed, particularly once the valuable balsam
gum began to be harvested. The method of refining the balsam was a closely
guarded secret, and the first palace built by the Hasmoneans would have served
primarily as administrative headquarters to the developing agricultural
industry, not merely for the recreation of the King in the winter sunshine.
Netzer uses emotive language to imply that the Hasmoneans' stimulus to build
in Jericho was the pursuit of pleasure: the "main purpose" of the "lavish" and
"splendid" pools complex "was obviously to be an area of leisure and
entertainment" and the garden was to be "an area of tranquility" (Netzer,
2001: 335). While there is no doubt that the creation of a luxurious lifestyle
inspired Herod in his later building projects, the Hasmoneans faced more
practical problems, and Netzer is making the mistake of extrapolating
backwards from Herod to his predecessors.>
There is no evidence, for example,
that the walled garden was an ornamental area of tranquility nor, indeed, that
it was surrounded by a colonnade rather than a simple track (Netzer, 2001:
139). Not a single column drum or capital was found that could be related to
such a colonnade. During the winter season, the garden was probably a hive of
industry with teams of gardeners raising fruit and vegetables and herbs to
help feed the supervisors of the increasingly important agricultural estate
together with any members of the royal family who happened to be in residence.
And the pools, while being a splendid bathing facility in the hotter months,
no doubt served the practical purpose of raising fish to add protein to the
diet. Netzer over-aggrandizes the large pools by seeing them as part of a
grand design integral to the construction of the Na’aran aqueduct, although he
admits there is a problem. Netzer’s “humble opinion” that the planners made a
mistake and brought the Na’aran channel to the palace complex 60 centimeters
too low (Netzer, 2001: 80) belittles their expertise.
Having successfully built the aqueduct for several kilometers along tortuous cliff faces, it would
be ironic, indeed, if, once on the wide and very gently sloping Jericho plain,
they could not get the channel to precisely where it was wanted. I am in
complete agreement with hydraulic engineer Prof. Garbrecht on this (Netzer,
2001: 347 fn 9). The primary purpose of the Na’aran aqueduct was to irrigate
fields further to the east of the burgeoning palace and administrative complex
and to supply water to the industrial area (Netzer, 1999: Fig. 1, E) where
products of the royal estate could be processed and refined.
It is to the south of this aqueduct that the colonnaded hall was found at the
western end of a row of perhaps ten houses that separated it from the
industrial area. These dwellings probably housed the chief officials of the
estate (Netzer, 1999: 205). We must await a final report on the hall to learn
exactly why it is believed that the eastern building predates the hall (Netzer,
1999: Fig. 3, and 2001: Plans 5, 6) and how the building was integrated into
the contemporaneous area to its immediate west and southwest.
What can be seen
is that the hall controlled access from the northeast onto an artificial
platform that was built out over the ground sloping gently down from the
aqueduct. As, at its southern end, this platform is conjectured to have stood
5.4 meters higher than the original ground level (Netzer, 2001: 184), it would
have been an effective barrier to prevent unauthorized access to the palace
area further west (Netzer, 2001: Plan 6). On this platform, it is safe to
reconstruct a small building in the south (similar to that later constructed
by Herod in the same location) with a small pool, AG15 (Netzer, 2001: 184), in
a courtyard between it and the hall and other buildings in the northeast. At
the northwest corner of the platform, there would have been some access to the
palace area and, in particular, to the three storerooms in Area AB (Netzer,
2001: 131-132).
This platform and the building upon it represent for the first time a separate
dwelling for the chief administrator(s) of the estate who previously must have
had quarters in the palace itself. It can be dated to c. 75 B.C.E. because the
pool, AG15, was apparently fed by the same channel that supplied water to the
“Twin Palaces” (dated by Netzer to the reign of Queen Alexandra c. 76-67 B.C.E.,
although we still await publication of pottery or coins that might confirm
this date; see Netzer, 1999: 216).
The chief administrator’s house acted physically as both a buffer and a link
between the palace and the estate, and the colonnaded hall was the
conveniently situated estate office in which representatives from the palace
and the various agricultural and industrial enterprises could meet to discuss
the long-term and the day-to-day running of the estate. During the winter
harvest season, the estate must have required a considerable influx of
laborers, and in this hall, the estate officials could meet with the
gangmasters who brought workers from up in the hills or from across the
Jordan. Here, they could decide on rates of pay, distribute surplus food from
the storerooms, and settle any work disputes.
Celebratory “harvest suppers”
could be held in the hall at the end of the harvest. Agricultural surpluses
could be offered for sale to visiting merchants. Premier quality balsam oil,
collected from incisions made in the bark, and even the inferior quality oil
made by boiling up leafs and twigs were both expensive products and would have
been sold in small containers. Small juglets of oil, perhaps the bulk of which
was kept in the storerooms, could be brought into the hall and placed on the
benches surrounding the hall for potential buyers to test for quality and to
bargain over prices. The niche, identified by Netzer as a geniza or storage
place for the Torah, could equally have held money received for merchandise or
needed to pay the workers.
The mikveh, or ritual bath, built on the south side of the hall, was a common
feature of Hasmonean Jericho (Netzer, 1999: 214 fn. 11). They were often found
close to pools where swimming could have taken place, possibly so that the
swimmer could purify himself after immersion in a potentially contaminated
pool (see Netzer, 2001: 39-43 and 102-105 for mikvaot near to the large pool
complex in AB). Pool AG15, though small, could have been used by the
administrator for cooling dips, particularly during the extremely hot summer
months when he, unlike the Hasmonean kings, would still have had to remain in
residence (the precious balsam is best tapped in hot and humid conditions). It
is also possible that if the hall were used for the dispatch of oil for use in
the temple (Exodus 30: 22-33), both the vessels and the handlers needed to be
purified.
Thus, during the week, the hall which had certainly not been built
specifically for religious requirements would have been the hub of the
business activities of the Royal Estate. Any religious activities that took
place in it on Shabbat would only have served the estate officials, a very
limited part of the community, for we do not know where the estate workers and
the general population of Jericho lived (Netzer, 1999: 217) although it was
probably too far away for them to attend (I leave the question of eruv to
those more familiar than myself with the intricacies of Jewish law). L. Levine
has suggested various functions that could help define a pre-70 C.E. synagogue
(Levine, 1987: 14. 2000: 27, 42-3), and Netzer summarizes some of them (Netzer,
1999: 216-217).
Levine himself is not entirely convinced of Netzer’s
identification, believing that "perhaps future excavation will allow him to
further solidify this suggestion” (Levine, 2000: 68-9). He further says that
“the synagogue at this time had no halakhic or religious standing; it was a
communal institution and, as such, merited no special status and consequently
little attention” (Levine, 2000: 42-43, my italics). If a building served
primarily for the secular administration of an estate and any religious
activities held in it only served a very small part of the community, was it
really a communal institution and could it really be called a synagogue? 2
For classical references and for discussion on
the production of balsam see Patrich, 1989)
Netzer’s “main argument in defining the building at Jericho as a synagogue is its
resemblance to the one at Gamla” (Netzer, 1999: 219). While that building,
too, probably served many secular functions, it was located prominently within
the township and clearly was a communal institution.
Bibliography
Levine, L. I. (1987). The Second Temple Synagogue. The Synagogue in Late
Antiquity. Ed. L. I. Levine. Philadelphia, 7-32.
Levine, L. I. (2000). The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. New
Haven and London: Yale University Press, in particular, 27 and 42-43.
Netzer, E. (1999). A Synagogue from the Hasmonean Period Recently Exposed in
the Western Plain of Jericho. IEJ, 49 (3-4), 203-221.
Netzer, E. (2001). Hasmonean and Herodian Palaces at Jericho Vol. I.
Jerusalem.
Patrich, J. (1989). A Juglet Containing Balsam Oil (?) from a Cave near
Qumran. IEJ, 39: 43-59.
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