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By Iain Provan
Regent College, Vancouver, BC
June 2003 My own contribution to this discussion
builds on the responses from Professors Gottwald and Isbell while sometimes
qualifying them or moving beyond them in various respects.
1. Tone and Style
I agree with Professor Gottwald1 that it would indeed be
best if all involved in the debate could exercise self-restraint in their
language when addressing or describing others and if at the same time all could
remain focussed on the issues and arguments rather than on alleged motives and
ideological tendencies. Having been on the receiving end of some intemperate
language and comment in the past in this debate (to which Professor Dever
alludes),2 I can well understand the challenge that such self-restraint poses;
but it is certainly important, if rational debate is the goal, that the attempt
is made. All too often, indeed, it appears that polemic has been employed in
this debate to disguise a weakness of rational argument or indeed the evasion of
such argument (I shall return to this point below).
2. Labeling
I agree with both Professors Gottwald and Isbell that
labeling has not been very helpful in pursuit of clarity in this debate, and I
suggest that we simply avoid it and focus on the arguments that individuals
propose rather than the groups to which those individuals allegedly belong. The
problem with labels, even where they do not misrepresent someone’s position (and
I agree with Isbell that “minimalist” in his sense does not misrepresent the
scholars under discussion), is that they all too often subtly (and sometimes not
so subtly) suggest to us that the arguments of certain individuals are a priori
simply not to be taken very seriously. Thus, “mainstream” and “marginal,” for
example, are unhelpful in this respect (although they may be accurate enough
descriptively): they tend to suggest that the arguments of a “marginal” scholar
do not require engagement, and indeed that the beliefs of those in the
mainstream are probably correct and do not require much critical scrutiny (since
they are the beliefs of the majority). Historically, of course, “marginal”
scholars have sometimes turned out to be right. Many of the labels used in the
debate in which we are now involved appear to me to have been used in precisely
this dismissive manner, and I do not see that this gets us much farther along
the road.
3. The Bible and Contemporary Politics
I agree with Professor Gottwald that none of us can avoid
the issue of modern Israeli and Palestinian land claims, given the various ways
in which the Bible is bound up with this issue in the contemporary world. My own
comment here, however, is that there is no necessary connection between “a naïve
view of biblical history” (whatever we mean by that loaded phrase) and the
legitimization of the state of Israel’s exclusive claim to “the holy land.” The
use of the Bible for the latter purpose arises from a particular interpretation
of the biblical (hi)story – one of the interpretations open to those who may
read the Bible as telling us about a real ancient Israel and even of an ancient
Israel chosen by God. I entirely disagree with Professor Davies, therefore, when
he claims in a sweeping manner that “debate about ancient Israel is also debate
about modern Israel.” It need not be so at all. Indeed, the Bible itself does
not say (as Davies implies it does) “that Israel was the natural or rightful
owner of this piece of land” – quite the opposite! Nor does it interpret
“chosenness” in the manner that Davies does (note also Isbell’s comments on
this). One detects in all of this, of course, the influence of Professor Whitelam’s 1995 book, the argument of which I personally find almost entirely
unpersuasive3 but which appears to have a significant following nonetheless.
4. Argument and Assertion
Professor Davies claims in his essay that opponents of
“minimalists” focus largely on the outcome of their argumentation rather than
dealing with the arguments themselves, which are “usually lost or pushed into
the background.” However, I do not believe that “outcome” is, in fact, generally
the focus of concern in much scholarly reaction to the kind of positions on
Bible and history that are in mind when the term “minimalist” is used.
Of much more concern to people is either the weakness of
the argumentation employed in arriving at the outcome or, indeed, the
non-existence of proper argument at all (especially in the cases of Professors
Thompson and Lemche, indeed - in whose writings, it seems to me, bold assertion
is the common substitute for argument). In the current exchange, for example,
Davies tells us that “my reasons for thinking that most of the biblical writings
were composed in the Persian period by urban intellectuals are manifold,” and he
then goes on summarize the reasons/arguments (inviting the reader to go to his
2001 essay for their detail). The “arguments,” however, do not appear to lead in
any way to the conclusion (what in Davies’ list is supposed to point inevitably
to a Persian date?) and are themselves based on assumptions for which grounds
are not specified and, indeed, on a poor reading of the biblical tradition. For
example, the biblical tradition does not claim, when read carefully and with an
eye to ancient literary conventions, that the Israelites “annihilated the
‘Canaanites.’”
The 2001 essay does not help us further. After reading it,
I am still unclear for which reasons I ought to believe that the biblical story
originated in the Persian period rather than earlier. Indeed, that essay
provides several good examples of the way in which naked assertion, rather than
argument, often provides the basis for “minimalist” positions. “A reading that
takes biblical descriptions of Israel as historical portraits … is incompetent,
because it is not based on a detailed and critical reading of the literature
[a.k.a. Davies’s reading of the literature?]” (241); “The Bible is not devoid of
historical information, but it is not history” (241); “We are not talking about
history-writing with an ideological agenda. We are talking about an ideological
agenda that merely assumes the form of historiography” (244). There is not a
valid argument in sight – only assertion; and yet the essay gives the impression
that an argument has been advanced on pages 239-244, for it proceeds as follows
(244-245): “If not from the history of the Holy Land, then what is the origin of
biblical Israel? The direct answer is: from inside people’s heads” –
specifically the heads of Jews of the Persian period. It is not the “outcomes”
of “minimalism” that so many find disturbing. It is the fact that the “outcomes”
often appear not to be truly outcomes at all, but to be already implied in the (unargued)
starting-points.
Of just as much concern is that when attention is drawn to
the weakness or non-existence of proper argument, it is commonly the case that
no rational answer is forthcoming – merely repeated assertion, often accompanied
by polemic. Professor Gottwald rightly points out, in the context of the current
exchange, that Davies “seems to ignore” the presence in the biblical text of
indicators of pre-exilic data that were not likely to have been invented in
Persian times, and he concludes that “this issue requires historical critical
argumentation and not polemics.” Professor Isbell concurs in asking for a
reasoned response on this matter. But the question is not new; its avoidance is
not an atypical occurrence in this debate. Serious questions have been asked
over several years (not the least by me) of what I now hesitate to call this
“group” of scholars in terms of justifying their various positions on Bible and
history; yet satisfactory responses have been in short supply. The same “story”
is simply repeatedly told as if no one had ever raised an objection to it. For
example, in explaining his approach to understanding the Bible, Davies tells us
that for the knowledge of ancient Israelite and Judean history and society that
helps him in this quest, he relies “partly on archaeology and partly on
anthropological modeling.” The grounds for epistemologically privileging
archaeology and anthropological modeling over and against biblical testimony in
this way remain entirely unclear. It appears that Davies simply “knows” somehow
that historical knowledge is securely derived from these extra-biblical sources
and somehow he “knows” equally well that historical knowledge is not to be
gained from the Bible. I have offered what I consider to be a serious critique
of this kind of (to my mind, self-deceived) thinking;4 no evidence as to the
existence of that critique can be found in Davies’ essay. This brings me to my
final comment, however …
5. The Bible and History
Professor Gottwald expresses a desire to locate the
substantive issues about the history of ancient Israel in dispute between
Professors Davies and Dever, and he suggests that, in fact, their differences on
particular historical issues “are not nearly as great as their polemics seem to
imply.” I tend to agree with this assessment, in so far as it concerns the
broader framework within which they are working. In fact, I am concerned about
just how narrow the whole discussion has been to this point and how many
questions it begs.
“Minimalists” regard the representation of Israel in the
Hebrew Bible as “largely idealized, even fictionalized,” writes Davies, playing
off these realities against “historicity” – begging an entire range of questions
about the nature of historical writing. Dever writes: “… the portrait of a
‘biblical Israel’ in the texts does not fit the actual Israel that we might
construct from other sources. Of course not! … The simple, obvious fact is that
the biblical writers and editors portray Israel as it should have been, in their
estimation, not as it actually was.” But what are the grounds for believing that
the Israel that we might construct from non-biblical sources is the actual
Israel or for believing that biblical writers and editors portray Israel as it
should have been, in their estimation, not as it actually was (a particularly
curious claim given the “actual” biblical narrative that we possess about
allegedly ideal Israel). Even Gottwald involves himself in the question begging,
in summarizing as follows: “Both disputants acknowledge that the biblical
stories are not factual accounts of history.” What are “factual accounts” of
history, exactly, and in which senses does the Bible not provide us with these?
There are much bigger questions to be raised about the
writing of the history of Israel than are ever raised, or even alluded to, in
this current discussion. What is the nature of our knowledge of the past? What
are historical “facts”? What kinds of sound arguments may be made for
discriminating between our various sources of “knowledge” about the past? The
questions that Davies and Dever discuss are important enough in their own way,
but the coherent answering of those smaller and particular questions is very
much bound up with the coherent answering of the larger and more general ones.
We should better know what to make of claims that archaeology has or has not
“shown” us something in particular, for example, if we better knew what our
reasonable expectations should be of archaeology “showing” us anything at all.
And we should better know what to make of claims about the deficiencies of the
biblical literature in providing us with access to Israel’s past if we better
knew what are the inevitable limitations of all historical literature in
providing us with access to the past.
Such massive questions we do not find here discussed or
even alluded to. It is as if no one had ever raised significant questions about
the modernist scientific historiographical project and, in particular, about the
epistemology on which it is founded. Yet these questions have indeed been
raised.5 Their evasion, I suppose, need never come to an end; but until it does,
the kind of discussion that is represented on these pages will always appear to
some of us (“marginal scholars,” I guess) to be in denial of what are truly the
“substantive issues about the history of ancient Israel.” It will appear to be a
kind of intellectual equivalent to fiddling while Rome burns.
_________________________
[1]My convention of “naming” will be to cite the person with his title in the first
instance in each section, and thereafter refer to that person by surname only.
[2] Note the following responses to I. W. Provan, “Ideologies, literary and
critical: reflections on recent writing on the history of Israel,” JBL 114
(1995), 585-606: T. L. Thompson, “A neo-Albrightean school in history and
biblical scholarship?,” JBL 114 (1995), 683-698; and P. R. Davies, “Method and
madness: Some remarks on doing history with the Bible,” JBL 114 (1995), 699-705.
A full response to these articles is in turn contained in I. W. Provan, “In the
stable with the dwarves: Testimony, interpretation, faith and the history of
Israel,” in A. Lemaire and M. Sæbø (eds.), Congress Volume: Oslo 1998, Papers of
the 16th Congress of the International Organisation of the Societies for Old
Testament Study (Leiden: Brill, 2000), pp. 281-319. It is this essay that is
reprinted in the volume to which Professor Dever refers.
[3] See I. W. Provan, “The end of (Israel’s) history? A review article on K. W.
Whitelam’s The Invention of Ancient Israel,” JSS 42 (1997), 283-300.
[4] I draw attention once again to my 1995 and 2000 essays (see note 2 above).
[5] They shall continue to be so whether or not scholars begin to engage with them
in a satisfactory manner.
See further I. W. Provan, “Pyrrhon, Pyrrhus and the possibility of the past: A
response to David Henige,”
JSOT 27 (2003), 413-437; and I. W. Provan, V. P. Long and T. Longman III, A
Biblical History of Israel
(Louisville/London: Westminster John Knox, 2003).
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