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Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel
(Second Edition and New Introduction)

Preface to the Second Edition (continued from page two)

[32] See among others, P. Amiet, Corpus des cylindres de Ras Shamra - Ougarit II; Sceaux-cylindres en hématitie et pierres diverses, RSO IX (Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1992); B. Sass and C. Uehlinger, ed., Studies in the Iconography of Northwest Semitic Inscribed Seals, OBO 125 (Freiburg Switzerland: University Press; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993); I. Cornelius, The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Ba‘al; Late Bronze Age I Periods (c. 1500-1000 BCE), OBO 140 (Freiburg Schweiz: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994); and C. Uehlinger, ed., Images as Media; Sources for the Cultural History of the Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean (1st millennim BCE), OBO 175 (Fribourg Switzerland: University Press; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000). See also the monumental volume by the late N. Avigad, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals, revised and completed by B. Sass (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities/The Israel Exploration Society/The Institute of Archaeology, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997).

[33] Mettinger, No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context, ConBOT 42 (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1995).

[34] The Image and the Book; Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. K. van der Toorn, Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 21 (Leuven: Peeters, 1997).

[35] Lewis, "Divine Images: Aniconism in Ancient Israel," JAOS 118 (1998): 36-53. See also the essay of B. B. Schmidt, "The Aniconic Tradition: On Readings Images and Viewing Texts," in The Triumph of Elohim; From Yahwisms to Judaisms, ed. D. V. Edelman (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 75-105.

[36] Na'aman, "No Anthropomorphic Graven Image: Notes on the Assumed Anthropomorphic Cult Statues in the Temples of YHWH in the Pre-exilic Period," UF 31 (1999): 391-415.

[37] Two particularly seminal studies by Stager are: "The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel," BASOR 260 (1985): 1-35; and "Archaeology, Ecology and Social History: Background Themes to the Song of Deborah," Congress Volume; Jerusalem 1986, ed. J. A. Emerton, VTSup 40 (Leiden: Brill, 1988), 221-34.

[38] Schloen, "Caravans, Kenites, and Casus Belli: Enmity and Alliance in the Song of Deborah," CBQ 55 (1993): 18-38; and The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol: Patrimonialism in Ugarit and the Ancient Near East, Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 2 (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2001). Another entry in the field is L. K. Handy, Among the Host of Heaven; The Syro-Palestinian Pantheon as Bureaucracy (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1994). See the comments on Handy's book made by Schloen (The House of the Father, 356-57) and myself (The Origins of Biblical Monotheism, 52-53).

[39] Master, "State Formation Theory and the Kingdom of Ancient Israel," JNES 60 (2001): 117-31.

[40] Bloch-Smith, Judahite Burials Practices and Beliefs about the Dead, JSOTSup 123, JSOT/ASOR Monograph Series 7 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992). See also her essay, "The Cult of the Dead in Judah: Interpreting the Material Remains," JBL 111 (1992): 213-24. Bloch-Smith's study of the Jerusalem temple remains the most advanced study available on the subject: "'Who is the King of Glory?' Solomon's Temple and Its Symbolism," in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King, ed. M. D. Coogan, J. C. Exum and L. E. Stager (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1994), 18-31, which was republished and modified in M. S. Smith, The Pilgrimage Pattern in Exodus, with contributions by Elizabeth M. Bloch-Smith, JSOTS 239 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997), 85-100. Similarly, her forthcoming study, "Israelite Ethnicity in Iron I," (submitted for publication; my thanks to the author for prepublication access to the article and permission to cite it) advances the current discussion of Israelite identity in the Iron I period. Truth in advertising: see the end of this preface.

[41] King and Stager, Life in Biblical Israel (Library of Ancient Israel; Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001).

[42] Dever, What did the Biblical Writers Know and When Did They Know It? What Archaeology Can Tell Us about the Reality of Ancient Israel (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001). See below for further discussion of one point in this book.

[43] Finkelstein and Silberman, The Bible Unearthed; Archaeology's New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of its Sacred Texts (New York: The Free Press, 2001). See the review of Dever, "Excavating the Hebrew Bible, or Burying It Again?" BASOR 322 (2001):67-77

[44] Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel; A Synthesis of Parallelactic Approaches (London/New York: Continuum, 2001).

[45] Alpert Nakhai, Archaeology and the Religions of Canaan and Israel, ASOR Books 7 (Boston: The American Schools of Oriental Research, 2001). See also Marit Skjeggestad, Facts in the Ground; Biblical History in Archaeological Interpretation of the Iron Age in Palestine (Oslo: Unipub forlag, 2001) (reference courtesy of Tryggve Mettinger).

[46] Brandfon, "The Limits of Evidence: Archaeology and Objectivity," Maarav 4/1 (1987): 5-43.

[47] Dever, What did the Biblical Writers Know, 53-95.

[48] Dever, What did the Biblical Writers Know, 15, 106.

[49] Dever, What Did the Biblical Writers Know, 266.

[50] Schloen, The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol, 7-62.

[51] Schloen, The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol, 8.

[52] Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel; Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life, Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East VII (Leiden: Brill, 1995).

[53] Van der Toorn, From Her Cradle to Her Grave; The Role of Religion in the Life of the Israelite and the Babylonian Woman, The Bible Seminar 23 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994). See also M. I. Gruber, The Motherhood of God And Other Studies, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism 57 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992).

[54] Schloen, The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol, 349-57 See also his article, "The Exile of Disinherited Kin in KTU 112 and KTU 1.23," JNES 52 (1993): 209-20.

[55] Smith, The Origins of Biblical Monotheism, 54-66, 77-80, 163-66.

[56] See Day's three articles: "Why is Anat a Warrior and Hunter?" in The Bible and the Politics of Exegesis; Essays in honor of Norman K. Gottwald on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. D. Jobling, P. L. Day and G. T. Sheppard (Cleveland, OH: Pilgrim Press, 1991), 141-46, 329-32; "Anat: Ugarit's 'Mistress of Animals'," JNES 51 (1992): 181-90; and "Anat," DDD, 36-43.

[57] Walls, The Goddess Anat in Ugaritic Myth, SBLDS 135 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992).

[58] Anderson, A Time to Mourn, A Time to Dance; The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University, 1991); Olyan, Rites and Rank; Hierarchy in Biblical Representations of Cult (Princeton: Princeton, 2000); and Wright, Ritual in Narrative; The Dynamics of Feasting, Mourning and Retaliation Rites in the Ugaritic Tale of Aqhat (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2000).

[59] See the discussions of Dever and Finkelstein in the mid-1990s: Dever, "Ceramics, Ethnicity, and the Question of Israel's Origins," BA 58 (1995): 206-10; "'Will the Real Israel Please Stand Up?' Archaeology and Israelite Historiography: Part I," BASOR 297 (1995): 61-80, and "'Will the Real Israel Please Stand Up?': Part II: Archaeology and the Religions of Ancient Israel," BASOR 298 (1995): 37-58; Finkelstein, "Ethnicity and the Origins of the Iron I Settlers in the Highlands of Canaan: Can the Real Israel Stand Up?" BA 59 (1996): 198-212. See further Bloch-Smith, "Israelite Ethnicity in Iron I," (submitted for publication).

[60] For example, see the essays in M. Brett, ed., Ethnicity in the Bible (ed. M. Brett; Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill, 1996); and B. McKay, "Ethnicity and Israelite Religion: The Anthropology of Social Boundaries in Judges" (Ph. D. diss., University of Toronto, 1997).

[61] For example, R. R. Wilson, Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980). See the review of the latter by G. W. Ahlström in JNES 44 (1985): 217-20.

[62] Berlinerblau, The Vow and the 'Popular Religious Groups' of Ancient Israel; A Philological and Sociological Inquiry, JSOTSup 210 (Sheffield Academic Press, 1996); and "Preliminary Remarks for the Sociological Study of Israelite 'Official Religion'," in Ki Baruch Hu; Ancient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Judaic Studies in Honor of Baruch A. Levine, ed. R. Chazan, W. W. Hallo and L. H. Schiffman (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999), 153-70. For a consideration of Berlinerblau's book, see my review in JSS 43 (1998): 148-51. See also Berlinerblau, "The 'Popular Religion' Paradigm in Old Testament Research: A Sociological Critique," JSOT 60 (1993): 3-26.

[63] See the works by Berlinerblau cited in the preceding note. See also N. K. Gottwald, "Social Class as an Analytic and Hermeneutical Category in Biblical Studies," JBL 112 (1993): 3-22.

[64] For some studies of popular religion in European studies (by year), see N. Z. Davis, "Some Tasks and Themes in the Study of Popular Religion," in In the Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, ed. C. Trinkaus and H. A. Oberman (Leiden: Brill, 1974), 307-36; P. M. Vovelle, "La religion populaire: Problèmes et méthodes," Le monde alpin et rhodanien 5 (1977): 7-32; H. Vrijhof and J. Waardenburg, eds., Official and Popular Religion; Analysis of a Theme for Religious Studies, Religion and Society 19 (The Hague: Mouton, 1979); and K. L. Jolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England; Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill, NC/London: University of North Carolina, 1996).

[65] Blomquist, Gates and Gods; Cults in the City Gates of Iron Age Palestine. An Investigation of the Archaeological and Biblical Sources, ConBOT 46 (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1999).

[66] Faust, "Doorway Orientation, Settlement Planning and Cosmology in Ancient Israel during Iron Age II," Oxford Journal of Archaeology 20/2 (2001): 129-55.

[67] For further discussion and bibliography, see M. S. Smith, Untold Stories; The Bible and Ugaritic Studies in the Twentieth Century (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 2001), 192-93.

[68] For this perspective, I am indebted to E. M. Bloch-Smith, "Israelite Ethnicity in Iron I," which draws on the work of S. Cornell, "That's the Story of Our Life," in We Are a People; Narrative and Multiplicity in Constructing Ethnic Identity, ed. P. Spickard and W. J. Burroughs; PHladelphia: Temple University, 2000), 43-44. Cf. the emphasis placed on traditional narrative in Schloen, The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol, 29-48.

[69] Blum, Studien zur Komposition des Pentateuch, BZAW 189 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1990).

[70] Carr, Reading the Fractures of Genesis; Historical and Literary Approaches (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1996).

[71] J. H. Tigay, ed., Empirical Models for Biblical Criticism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1985).

[72] See further R. K. Gnuse, "Redefining the Elohist?" JBL 119 (2000): 201-20.

[73] Niditch, Oral World and Written Word; Ancient Israelite Literature (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1996); Person, Jr., "The Ancient Israelite Scribe as Performer," JBL 117 (1998): 601-9.

[74] Coogan, "Literacy and the Formation of Biblical Literature," in Realia Dei; Essays in Archaeology and Biblical Interpretation in Honor of Edward F. Campbell, Jr. at His Retirement, ed. P. H. Williams, Jr. and T. Hiebert, Scholars Press homage series 23 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1999), 47-61; Crenshaw, Education in Ancient Israel; Across the Deadening Silence, The Anchor Bible Reference Library (New York: Doubleday, 1998); Haran, "On the Diffusion of Literacy and Schools in Ancient Israel," in Congress Volume; Jerusalem 1986, ed. J. A. Emerton, VTSup 40 (Leiden/New York/København/Köln: Leiden, 1988), 81-95.

[75] Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985).

[76] See the works cited in n. 93 below.

[77] Hezser, Jewish Literacy in Roman Palestine, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 81 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1998), 99-100, 427-29.

[78] Carruthers, The Book of Memory; A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature 10 (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University, 1990); and The Craft of Thought; Meditation, Rhetoric, and the Making of Images, 400-1200, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Literature 14 (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University, 1998).

[79] Lachish 3, 4, 5, 6, conveniently transliterated, translated and discussed by D. Pardee, in D. Pardee et al., Handbook of Ancient Hebrew Letters; A Study Edition, SBL Sources for Biblical Study 15 (Chico, CA: Scholars, 1982), 81-103.

[80] The complexity of the interrelated features of orality, reading, writing and interpretation has been underscored for prophecy in the book, Writings and Speech in Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy, ed. E. Ben-Zvi and M. H. Floyd, SBL Symposium 10 (Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000). See also A. Schart, "Combining Prophetic Oracles in Mari Letters and Jeremiah 36," JANES 23 (1995): 75-93.

[81] For some initial comments about Second Isaiah as a written composition, see below Chapter Six, section four. For reading, writing and interpretation in Second Isaiah, see the important study of B. D. Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture; Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, Contraversions. Jews and Other Differences (Stanford: Stanford University, 1998). Daniel 9 is a written representation of the model of inspired interpretation of the explicitly named prophetic figure of Jeremiah.

[82] See the important article of H. L. Ginsberg, "A Strand in the Cord of Hebraic Psalmody," ErIsr 9 (1969 = W. F. Albright Volume): 45-50.

[83] I have discussed this idea in an essay entitled "Reading, Writing and Interpretation: Thoughts on Genesis 1 as Commentary" (unpublished paper).

[84] See the survey in E. Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible (Minneapolis: Fortress; Assen/Maastricht: Van Gorcum, 1992), 313-50.

[85] For surveys, see D. Jasper, "Literary Readings of the Bible," in The Cambridge Campanion to Biblical Interpretation, ed. J. Barton (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1998), 21-34; and in the same volume R. P. Carroll, "Poststructuralist Approaches. New Historicism and Postmodernism," 50-66.

[8 6]Exceptions are the works of S. B. Parker, The Pre-Biblical Narrative Tradition (SBL Resources for Biblical Study 24; Atlanta: Scholars, 1989); and Stories in Scripture and Inscriptions; Comparative Studies on Narratives in Northwest Semitic Inscriptions and the Hebrew Bible (New York/Oxford: Oxford, 1997).

[87] For the Late Bronze-Iron I transition, see the references on p. OOO n. OO. For the Iron I-Iron II transition, see p. OOO n. OO.

[88] Halpern, David's Secret Demons; Messiah, Murderer, Traitor, King (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001); and McKenzie, King David; A Biography (Oxford/New York: Oxford, 2000). See also W. Schniedewind, Society and the Promise to David; The Reception History of 2 Samuel 7:1-17 (New York/Oxford: Oxford, 1999).

[89] A convenient listing of their works can be found in Dever, What did the Biblical Writers Know. However, I do not condone the rhetoric in this work; indeed, it is the very sort of rhetoric which he deplores in their publications. See also Dever, "Histories and Nonhistories of Ancient Israel," BASOR 316 (1999): 89-105.

[90] Wilson, "The Campaign of Pharaoh Shoshenq I into Palestine" (Ph. D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 2001).

[91] For example, see Brettler, The Creation of History in Ancient Israel (London/New York: Routledge, 1995); and Halpern, The First Historians; The Hebrew Bible and History (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988). See also F. A. J. Nielsen, The Tragedy in History; Herodotus and the Deuteronomistic History, JSOTSup 251, Copenhagen International Seminar 4 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997).

[92] See Brettler, The Creation of History in Ancient Israel, 20-47, esp. 46.

[93] On memory in the Bible, see (by year): B. S. Childs, Memory and Tradition in Israel (London: SCM, 1962); W. Schottroff, "Gedenken" im Alten Orient und im Alten Testament, sec. ed., WMANT 15, (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1967); D. Fleming, "Mari and the Possibilities of Biblical Memory," RA 92 (1998): 41-78. For two recent studies on collective memory, see M. Brettler, "Memory in Ancient Israel," in Memory and History in Christianity and Judaism, ed. M. Signer (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 2001), 1-17; and R. S. Hendel, "The Exodus in Biblical Memory," JBL 120 (2001): 601-22. Brettler and Hendel are influenced by Y. H. Yerushalmi, Zakhor; Jewish History and Jewish Memory (Seattle/London: University of Washington, 1982; rev. ed., 1989). Informed more by Annales figures writing on cultural memory, I am presently preparing a book-length study of memory and ancient Israelite culture and religion. The praxes of orality and scribalism mentioned above play a highly significant roles in and receiving, transmitting and generating collective memory.

[94] Ras Shamra Parallels I-II, ed. L. Fisher, AnOr 49-50 (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1972, 1975); Ras Shamra Parallels III, ed. S. Rummel, AnOr 51 (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1981).

[95] For example, S. Ribichini and P. Xella, La terminologia dei tessili nei testi di Ugarit, Collezione di Studi Fenici 20 (Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, 1985).

[96] See R. S. Hess, "A Comparison of the Ugarit, Emar and Alalakh Archives," in Ugarit; Religion and Culture; Proceedings of the International Colloquium. Edinburgh July 1994, ed. N. Wyatt, UBL 12 (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1996), 75-84. See also in the same volume M. Dietrich, "Aspects of the Babylonian Impact on Ugaritic Literature and Religion," 33-48.

[97] See H. Huffmon, Amorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1965); I. J. Gelb, A Computer-Aided Analysis of Amorite, Assyriological Studies 21 (Chicago/London: University of Chicago, 1980); and R. Zadok, "On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia," The Tablet and the Scroll; Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William H. Hallo, ed. M. E. Cohen, D. C. Snell and D. B. Weisberg (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1993), 315-33.

[98] The issues are put nicely by D. Pardee, "Background to the Bible: Ugarit," in Ebla to Damascus; Art and Archaeology of Ancient Syria (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1985), 253-58.

[99] Keel and Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses and Images of God, 396.

[100] Keel and Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses and Images of God, 395-6.

[101] See the books mentioned below. For partial surveys (by year), see S. A. Wiggins, "Asherah Again: Binger's Asherah and the State of Asherah Studies," JNWSL 24 (1998): 231-40; J. A. Emerton, "'Yahweh and his Asherah': the Goddess or Her Symbol," VT 49 (1999): 315-37; and J. M. Hadley, The Cult of the Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah; Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess, University of Cambridge Oriental Publications 57 (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2001), 11-37. See also W. G. E. Watson, "The Goddesses of Ugarit: A Survey," Studi epigrafici e linguistici 10 (1993): 47-59.

[102] Gitin, "Seventh Century BCE Cultic Elements at Ekron," in Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990; Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society/The Israel Academy of Sciences ad Humanities, 1993), 248-58. See further the discussion below.

[103] Keel and Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God in Ancient Israel, 228-48, 332, 369-70; Keel, Goddesses and Trees, New Moon and Yahweh; Ancient Near Eastern Art and the Hebrew Bible, JSOTSup 262 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998). See also U. Hübner, "Der Tanz um die Ascheren," UF 24 (1992):121-32.

[104] Olyan, Asherah and the Cult of Yahweh in Israel, SBLMS 34 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1988); Frevel, Aschera und der Ausschliesslichkeitanspruch YHWHs, BBB 94, two vols. (Weinheim: Beltz Athenäum, 1995).

[105] Keel and Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God in Ancient Israel, 228-48, 332, 369-70.

[106] Ackerman, Under Every Green Tree; Popular Religion in Sixth-Century Judah, HSM 46 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992).

[107] Ackerman, "The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Israel," JBL 112 (1993): 385-401. The reasoning has been criticized by B. Halpern, "The New Names of Isaiah 62:4: Jeremiah's Reception in the Restoration and the Politics of 'Third Isaiah'," JBL 117 (1998): 640 n. 46.

[108] Wiggins, "The Myth of Asherah: Lion Lady and Serpent Goddess," UF 23 (1991): 383-94; A Reassessment of 'Asherah'; A Study According to the Textual Sources of the First Two Millennia B. C. E., AOAT 235 (Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1993); "Of Asherahs and Trees: Some Methodological Questions," Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 1/1 (2001): 158-87.

[109] Merlo, La dea Asratum - Atiratu - Asera; Un contributo alla storia della religione semitica del Nord (Mursia: Pontificia Università Lateranese, 1998).

[110] Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah; Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess, University of Cambridge Oriental Publications 57 (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2001).

[111] Cross (letter to me, dated 7 December 1998) comments in reference to this debate: "If you want syncretism in the Hebrew Bible, there is plenty of material to be found without manufacturing it."

[112] Smith, The Early History of God, 80-97.

[113] D. V. Edelman's criticism that if ’aserâ is not the goddess but only a symbol, then 1 Kings 15:13 would attest to an image made for an image; see Edelman, "Introduction," in The Triumph of Elohim, 18.

[114] J. H. Tigay, "A Second Temple Parallel to the Blessings from Kuntillet ‘Ajrud," IEJ 40 (1990): 218.

[115] See the discussions of Mettinger, Na'aman and others noted in section 1 above.

[116] J. Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan, 45.

[117] See 2 Chron 15:16, discussed by Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah, 66.

[118] See Judg 3:7 discussed by Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah, 63-64.

[119] J. Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan, 46 n. 12.

[120] As noted by Hadley (The Evidence for Asherah, 7, 67), a later article of mine characterizes Asherah as a goddess in Israel in the Iron Age. See Smith, "Yahweh and the Other Deities of Ancient Israel: Observations on Old Problems and Recent Trends," in Ein Gotte allein? JHWH-Verehrung und biblischer Monotheismus im Kontext der israelitischen und altorientalischen Religionsgeshichte, ed. W. Dietrich and M. A. Klopfenstein, OBO 139 (Freiburg: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994), 206. Hadley's discussion of my position may give the impression that it is contradictory, that sometimes I claim Asherah was a goddess in the Iron Age, elsewhere that she was not. In fact, there is no contradiction in my writing on this point, since the article speaks of the Iron Age (in a summary statement on p. 206), whereas the book distinguishes matters between Iron I and Iron II.

[121] See O. Loretz, Review of The Early History of God, UF 22 (1990): 514: "The author thus exposes himself...as unwilling to view the new evidence without the deuteronomistic filter."

[122] For comparative evidence marshalled in favor of this view, see P. Xella, "Le dieu et <<sa>> déesse: l'utilisation des suffixes pronominaux avec des théonymes d'Ebla à Ugarit et à Kuntillet ‘Ajrud," UF 27 (1995): 599-610; and M. Dietrich, "Die Parhedra in Pantheon von Emar: Miscellenea Emariana (I)," UF 29 (1997):115-22.

[123] Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel, 403 n. 10; Zevit's italics.

[124] Gitin, "Seventh Century BCE Cultic Elements at Ekron," 248-58; cf. Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel, 321 n. 126, 374.

[125] Hadley, The Evidence for Asherah, 179-84; Lipinski, Dieux et déesses, 421; Smith, "Yahweh and the Other Deities of Ancient Israel," 197-234, and The Origins of Biblical Monotheism, 73.

[126] S. Gitin, T. Dothan and J. Naveh, "A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Eqron," IEJ 47/1-2 (1997): 1-16.

[127] These options are discussed by R. G. Lehmann, "Studien zur Formgeschichte der ‘Eqron-Inschrift des ’KYS und den phönizischen Dedikationtexten aus Byblos," UF 31 (1999): 255-306, esp. 258-59.
 

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