By
Philip Hammond
Adjunct Professor of Anthropology
at Arizona State University
and Emeritus Professor of Anthropology
at the University of Uta
April 2003
Petra
lies deep within the desert, east of the Jordan river, halfway between
Jordan’s modern capital Amman and the Gulf of Aqaba. Pictured as the “Rose-Red
City, half as old as time” by one of England’s prize-winning poets, the site’s
natural beauty is unsurpassed and her history goes back to prehistoric times.
Neolithic occupation has been found in the Petra basin, but little is known of
either the inhabitants or their daily life during that period. It is in the
Iron Age that Petra apparently was occupied as a major southern outpost of the
people known as the “Edomites.” Reference is made in the Old Testament to the
fact that King Amaziah defeated the Edomites and ultimately massacred some
10,000 of them by casting them off the top of a mountain called “Sela.”
Although modern scholars are somewhat divided on the issue, the towering
mountain today known as “Umm El-Biyara,” which has obvious Edomite settlement
remains on its peak and which would seem to fit the geographical location
mentioned in the biblical account, is the mountain in question.
It is not
until the Hellenistic period that Petra emerges again in an historic
reference. The scholar known as Diodorus Sicculus, using earlier sources,
describes a military confrontation between the people of Petra and the army of
the Seleucid King Antigonus, which occurred in the 4th century B.C. It is
Diodorus who also introduces the name “Nabataean” as the name of the
inhabitants at that time. This group represents a coming together of the
Edomites and a pastoral nomadic confederation which had migrated northward
from the western coast of Saudi Arabia.
The
Iron Age technology of the Edomites was now joined to the commercial acumen
brought in by the newcomers. By the 1st century, any reference to the
“Edomites” at Petra is completely lost under the “Nabataean” title. By the 1st
century, the Roman geographer Strabo depicts Petra as having become a bustling
city. Archaeological information has confirmed that fact, with Petra having
become urbanized, presumably under the rule of Aretas IV (9 B.C. – A.D. 40).
By this point, the Nabataean social structure had also evolved from a probable
sheikdom to the monarchial pattern seen throughout the Middle East at that
time. The city could now boast a main theater, a series of magnificent royal
rock-cut tombs, some 800 other rock-cut funerary monuments scattered
throughout the Petra basin, along with private villas and other public
buildings. Petra’s water system brought water through a system of gravity-fed
ceramic pipes from a spring some miles away in the town of El-Ji into the
city. Other technology exhibited by the Nabataeans appears in their
achievements in high quality ceramics, metallurgy, and other specialized
areas.
Most
spectacular, however, was Petra’s commercial stature as the capital city of
the Nabataeans, ruling over 1000 known sites, spread from Damascus in the
north to Medain Selah in the south and throughout the southern area of
Palestine. Nabataean trade routes stretched from North to South along the
ancient Kings’ Highway and into Wadi Tumilat in Egypt, spreading from there to
the western world. Frankincense, myrrh, spices, gems, and other luxury items
passed through Nabataean hands.
Although the Roman general Pompey had ostensibly conquered Syro-Palestine in
64 B.C., bringing that area under the control of the Roman Empire, Petra
remained unscathed. Various attempts from that point on to conquer the
Nabataeans failed until A.D. 106 when the army of Trajan entered the city and
it became an official part of the Empire. In spite of the belief that Petra
dwindled in importance under Roman control, modern archaeological data clearly
indicate continued imports and a continuous luxurious lifestyle. Years later,
even the rich Chinese silk industry made itself felt in Nabataean territory,
reflected even today in the word for open woven fabrics called “gauze” named
after the city of Gaza where the re-weaving of silk was done.
All
went well with Petra and the Nabataeans until late in the evening of the 19th
of May A.D. 363. A disastrous earthquake, stretching from Paneas in the north
and 170 kilometers south to the Araba valley, utterly destroyed the Nabataean
capital. It appears probable that the majority of the inhabitants found their
way to other sites throughout the Empire. Some sporadic occupation continued
through the early Christian period onward, as the mid-5th century red-painted
consecration inscription in the “Palace Tomb” notes. Likewise, documentary
evidence from the 6th century A.D. also exists from the excavations of newly
discovered churches. Such occupation also comes from the Early Crusader Period
in a plea for succor against “Saracens” by the “Monks of St. Aaron,” in A.D.
1101. Crusader military visits to Petra continued for some time in this
period. The site regained a certain amount of stature during the Crusader
Period when a major Frankish fort was built on the outskirts of the Basin and
a minor police post was constructed inside.
By
this point, Petra had become associated with the Mosaic tradition of the
escape of the children of Israel from Egypt. The spring in nearby El-Ji was
known as the “Spring of Moses”; the entrance to Petra now called the “Siq” was
identified with the rock which Moses struck to bring forth water. The entire
basin was referred to as the “Valley of Moses” and various monuments were
associated with folklore stories of the Exodus.
With
the coming of the Islamic Period, Petra’s commercial and strategic importance
both ceased to be of value and the site disappeared into obscurity.
The
name of the site has varied between its Greek form, “Petra,” and its Semitic
form, “RQM,” the former being the one most commonly found in external records.
The Greek form, simply meaning “rock” and probably referring to Umm El-Biyara,
is that used by the Romans; Semitic sources tended to use the latter name. It
has been suggested that the Semitic form spread as far as China where a
reference is made to a site called “Li-Kan.” Passing reference is made to the
Nabataeans in some classical sources in addition to those made by Diodorus and
Strabo, but not necessarily mentioning Petra by name.
Strangely enough, although Petra was the capital city of the most vigorous
commercial group in the Middle East as well as having attracted attention
throughout the Roman Empire and was immediately adjacent to the Jewish State,
it was virtually unnoticed in any direct reference either in the Old Testament
or in the New Testament.
In the
case of the Old Testament, the only reference made pertains to the victory of
King Amaziah as noted above.
The
New Testament reference to Petra is likewise scanty and oblique. St. Paul
states that he suffered travail “in the wilderness.” This is generally
construed to be a reference to desert areas to the East, and although this
reference does not name Petra by name, Paul was later forced to flee from
Damascus to avoid arrest by the Ethnarch of the Nabataeans. Knowing the
relation between Petra and Damascus at that time as well as Paul’s proclivity
to proselytize in major cities throughout the Empire, Petra would seem to have
been a prime missionary target. Such activity would have irritated the
Nabateaean King because of Paul’s suspect Jewish background and his attempts
at Christian conversions.
It is
also probable that the story of the “jar of ointment,” broken and its contents
poured over the head of Jesus, was in reality a Nabataean unguentarium,
the usual container for luxury ointments which were primarily manufactured by
the Nabataeans and which were so manufactured that they had to be broken in
order to use the contents.
Far
more common references appear in the Intertestimental Book, II Maccabees,
and in the works of the Jewish historian Josephus.
The
author of the Book of Maccabees traces Nabataean relations with Jonathan-the-Maccabee.
These relate specifically to Jonathan’s forcible conversion of the Idumeans to
Judaism and the Nabataean reaction thereto.
Josephus associates the Nabataeans with various events in later Jewish
history. Most interesting are the relationships between the Nabataeans and
Herod the Great. Herod was the son of a Nabatean mother and an Idumean father
and apparently even spent part of his boyhood in Petra. Since the Idumeans
were said to be disgruntled Edomites who left Petra with the coming of the
Nabataean confederacy, the relation between Idumeans and Nabataeans was
extremely close. Josephus notes various incidents linking Herod and his
Nabataean relatives even without mentioning Petra by name. When Herod was
forced to flee Jerusalem and sought to secure help from Rome, he is said to
have attempted to find asylum in Petra but was repulsed by the king of the
Nabataeans. When Herod received the kingship of the Jewish State from the
Roman Senate and returned to Jerusalem, various political relations existed
between him and the Nabataeans.
After Cleopatra secured the balsam groves in
the Dead Sea Valley, which had belonged to the Nabataeans, they were rented
back to Herod and the king of the Nabataeans. When the military actions
between Anthony and Cleopatra and Octavius Caesar began, Herod offered his
services to the former couple. They refused his help and urged him to make war
with the Nabataeans. A disastrous defeat took place in 31 B.C. in the Dead Sea
Valley. An earthquake was seen to be a sign from Heaven, and Herod rallied his
forces and drove the Nabataeans back to their own area. Herod also had
dealings with Syllaeus the envoy of the king of Petra; this culminated in bad
blood between them. It was not until much later that the siege of Jerusalem by
Trajan allowed the Nabataeans to emerge in Josephus’ works. Their tactics
horrified the Roman general and Nabataeans troops were sent back home.
As
noted above, the importance of Petra following the defeat of the Frankish
Kingdom had left Petra without any particular value to the Islamic conquerors.
But the tomb of Aaron, situated on a mountain at the North end of the Petra
basin, which had been a Christian holy place, also
became a place of Muslim pilgrimage.
Following the last reference to Petra by the Arab historians during the Middle
Ages, there is a lack of any further information regarding Petra until the 22nd
of August 1812, when Johann Lidwig Burkhart noted in his journal that he had
apparently rediscovered the ancient city of Petra – “it appears very probable
that the ruins in Wadi Musa are those of ancient Petra.” Following his
deservedly courageous journey through the Trans-Jordan region, a plethora of
“learned travelers” also found their way to the ancient site having much of
same impression of antagonist bedouin and fantastic ruins as did Burkhart. But
the visits from foreign travelers were not appreciated by either the local
bedouin nor the Ottoman government, and the site was virtually off-limits
until the end of World War I. In the interim, extensive surveys were carried
out throughout the Basin, but no archaeological excavations were undertaken
until the work of George Horsfield early in the last century. Subsequently,
excavations have begun throughout the city center and the immediately adjacent
areas. Most definitive has been the excavation of the “Temple of the Winged
Lions,” carried on after an electronic survey and continued for some 21
seasons up to the present.
Petra
today lies in ruins, but the natural beauty of the site and the magnificence
of its carved monuments still attract visitors from all over the world.
The
author would like to express thanks to Lin J. Hammond for assistance in
preparing this brief paper.
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